Table of Contents
I. Overview: An Opportunity for Reflection _
II. Recognizing the Historical Context: A Call to World Leaders
III. Defining a Role for the UN Within the Emerging International Order _
A. Resuscitating the General Assembly
- Raising minimum requirements for membership
- Appointing a Commission to study borders and frontiers
- Searching for new financial arrangements
- Making a commitment to a universal auxiliary language and
a common script
- Investigating the possibility of a single international
currency
B. Developing a Meaningful Executive Function
- Limiting the exercise of the veto power
- Institutionalizing ad hoc military arrangements
- Applying the notion of collective security to other problems of the global commons
- Retaining successful UN institutions with independent executive
function
C. A Strengthened World Court
- Extending the Court's jurisdiction
- Coordinating the thematic courts
IV. Releasing the Power of the Individual: A Critical Challenge of the Emerging International Order
A. Promoting Economic Development
- Launching a determined campaign to implement Agenda 21
B. Protecting Fundamental Human Rights
- Strengthening the machinery of the UN for monitoring, implementation
and follow-up
- Encouraging universal ratification of international
conventions on human rights
- Assuring respect for the monitoring
organs of UN involved in human rights
C. Advancing the Status of Women
- Increasing the participation of women in member state delegations
- Encouraging universal ratification of international conventions
that protect women's rights and improve their status
- Planning ahead for implementation of the Beijing Platform of Action
D. Emphasizing Moral Development
- Promoting the development of curricula for moral education
in schools
V. A Turning Point for All Nations: A Call to World Leaders
Endnotes
"Unification of the whole of mankind is the hall-mark
of the stage which human society is now approaching. Unity of
family, of tribe, of city-state, and nation have been successively
attempted and fully established. World unity is the goal towards
which a harassed humanity is striving. Nation-building has come
to an end. The anarchy inherent in state sovereignty is moving
towards a climax. A world, growing to maturity, must abandon this
fetish, recognize the oneness and wholeness of human relationships,
and establish once for all the machinery that can best incarnate
this fundamental principle of its life."
-Shoghi Effendi, 1936
The 20th Century, one of the most tumultuous periods in human
history, has been marked by numerous upheavals, revolutions and
radical departures from the past. Ranging from the collapse of
the colonial system and the great nineteenth century empires to
the rise and fall of broad and disastrous experiments with totalitarianism,
fascism and communism, some of these upheavals have been extremely
destructive, involving the deaths of millions, the eradication
of old lifestyles and traditions, and the collapse of time-honored
institutions.
Other movements and trends have been more obviously positive.
Scientific discoveries and new social insights have spurred many
progressive social, economic and cultural transformations. The
way has been cleared for new definitions of human rights and affirmations
of personal dignity, expanded opportunities for individual and
collective achievement, and bold new avenues for the advancement
of human knowledge and consciousness.
These twin processes -- the collapse of old institutions on the
one hand and the blossoming of new ways of thinking on the other
-- are evidence of a single trend which has been gaining momentum
during the last hundred years: the trend toward ever-increasing
interdependence and integration of humanity.
This trend is observable in wide-ranging phenomena, from the fusion
of world financial markets, which in turn reflect humanity's reliance
on diverse and interdependent sources of energy, food, raw materials,
technology and knowledge, to the construction of globe-girdling
systems of communications and transportation. It is reflected
in the scientific understanding of the earth's interconnected
biosphere, which has in turn given a new urgency to the need for
global coordination. It is manifest, albeit in a destructive way,
in the capacities of modern weapons systems, which have gradually
increased in power to the point where it is now possible for a
handful of men to bring an end to human civilization itself. It
is the universal consciousness of this trend -- in both its constructive
and destructive expressions -- that lends such poignancy to the
familiar photograph of the earth as a swirling sphere of blue
and white against the infinite blackness of space, an image crystallizing
the realization that we are a single people, rich in diversity,
living in a common homeland.
This trend is reflected, too, in steady efforts by the nations
of the world to forge a world political system that can secure
for humanity the possibility of peace, justice and prosperity.
Twice in this century humanity has attempted to bring about a
new international order. Each attempt sought to address the emergent
recognition of global interdependence, while nevertheless preserving
intact a system which put the sovereignty of the state above all
else. In the perspective of the century now ending, the League
of Nations, a breakthrough in the concept of collective security,
marked a first decisive step toward world order.
The second effort, born from the cataclysm of World War II and
based on a
Charter drawn up principally by the victors of that
conflagration, has for fifty years provided an international forum
of last resort, a unique institution standing as a noble symbol
for the collective interests of humanity as a whole.
As an international organization, the United Nations has demonstrated
humanity's capacity for united action in health, agriculture,
education, environmental protection, and the welfare of children.
It has affirmed our collective moral will to build a better future,
evinced in the widespread adoption of
international human rights
Covenants. It has revealed the human race's deep-seated compassion,
evidenced by the devotion of financial and human resources to
the assistance of people in distress. And in the all-important
realms of peace-building, peace-making and peace-keeping, the
United Nations has blazed a bold path toward a future without
war.
[1]
Yet the overall goals set out in the
Charter of the United Nations
have proved elusive. Despite the high hopes of its founders, the
establishment of the United Nations some fifty years ago did not
usher in an era of peace and prosperity for all.
[2] Although
the United Nations has surely played a role in preventing a third
world war, the last half decade has nevertheless been marked by
numerous local, national and regional conflicts costing millions
of lives. No sooner had improved relations between the superpowers
removed the ideological motivation for such conflicts, than long-smoldering
ethnic and sectarian passions surfaced as a new source of conflagration.
In addition, although the end of the Cold War has reduced the
threat of a global, terminal war, there remain instruments and
technologies -- and to some extent the underlying passions --
which could bring about planet-wide destruction.
With respect to social issues, likewise, grave problems persist.
While new levels of consensus have been reached on global programs
to promote health, sustainable development and human rights, the
situation on the ground in many areas has deteriorated. The alarming
spread of militant racialism and religious fanaticism, the cancerous
growth of materialism, the epidemic rise of crime and organized
criminality, the widespread increase in mindless violence, the
ever-deepening disparity between rich and poor, the continuing
inequities faced by women, the intergenerational damage caused
by the pervasive break-down of family life, the immoral excesses
of unbridled capitalism and the growth of political corruption
-- all speak to this point. At least a billion live in abject
poverty and more than a third of the world's people are illiterate.
[3]
As the twin processes of collapse and renewal carry the world
toward some sort of culmination, the 50
th anniversary of the United
Nations offers a timely opportunity to pause and reflect on how
humanity may collectively face its future. Indeed, there has emerged
of late a wide range of useful proposals for strengthening the
United Nations and improving its capacity to coordinate the responses
of nations to these challenges.
These proposals fall roughly into three categories. One group
addresses primarily bureaucratic, administrative and financial
problems within the United Nations system. Another group comprises
those that suggest reconfiguring bodies like the Economic and
Social Council, the Trusteeship Council and the Bretton Woods
economic institutions. Still others propose to undertake changes
in the United Nations political structure, calling, for example,
for an expansion of the Security Council and/or a reconsideration
of the United Nations
Charter itself.
[4]
Most of these works are constructive; some are also provocative.
Among them, one of the most balanced and thoughtful is the report
of the Commission on Global Governance, entitled, Our Global Neighborhood,
which argues for the widespread adoption of new values, as well
as structural reforms in the United Nations system.
[5]
It is in the spirit of contributing to the ongoing discussion
and consultation on this issue of paramount importance that the
Bahá'í International Community has been moved to
share its views. Our perspective is based on three initial propositions.
First, discussions about the future of the United Nations need
to take place within the broad context of the evolution of the
international order and its direction. The United Nations has
co-evolved with other great institutions of the late twentieth
century. It is in the aggregate that these institutions will define
-- and themselves be shaped by -- the evolution of the international
order. Therefore, the mission, role, operating principles and
even activities of the United Nations should be examined only
in the light of how they fit within the broader objective of the
international order.
Second, since the body of humankind is one and indivisible, each
member of the human race is born into the world as a trust of
the whole. This relationship between the individual and the collective
constitutes the moral foundation of most of the human rights which
the instruments of the United Nations are attempting to define.
It also serves to define an overriding purpose for the international
order in establishing and preserving the rights of the individual.
Third, the discussions about the future of the international order
must involve and excite the generality of humankind. This discussion
is so important that it cannot be confined to leaders -- be they
in government, business, the academic community, religion, or
organizations of civil society. On the contrary, this conversation
must engage women and men at the grassroots level. Broad participation
will make the process self-reinforcing by raising awareness of
world citizenship and increase support for an expanded international
order.
The Bahá'í International Community regards the current
world confusion and the calamitous condition of human affairs
as a natural phase in an organic process leading ultimately and
irresistibly to the unification of the human race in a single
social order whose boundaries are those of the planet.
The human race, as a distinct, organic unit, has passed through
evolutionary stages analogous to the stages of infancy and childhood
in the lives of its individual members, and is now in the culminating
period of its turbulent adolescence approaching its long-awaited
coming of age.
[6] The process of global integration, already
a reality in the realms of business, finance, and communications,
is beginning to materialize in the political arena.
Historically, this process has been accelerated by sudden and
catastrophic events. It was the devastation of World Wars I and
II that gave birth to the League of Nations and the United Nations,
respectively. Whether future accomplishments are also to be reached
after similarly unimaginable horrors or embraced through an act
of consultative will, is the choice before all who inhabit the
earth. Failure to take decisive action would be unconscionably
irresponsible.
Since sovereignty currently resides with the nation-state, the
task of determining the exact architecture of the emerging international
order is an obligation that rests with heads of state and with
governments. We urge leaders at all levels to take a deliberate
role in supporting a convocation of world leaders before the turn
of this century to consider how the international order might
be redefined and restructured to meet the challenges facing the
world. As some have suggested, this gathering might be called
the World Summit on Global Governance.
[7]
This proposed Summit might build on the experience gained from
the series of highly successful United Nations conferences in
the early 1990s. These conferences, which have included the World
Summit for Children in 1990, the Earth Summit in 1992, the World
Conference on Human Rights in 1993, the International Conference
on Population and Development in 1994, the World Summit for Social
Development in 1995 and the Fourth World Conference on Women in
1995, have established a new methodology for global deliberations
on critical issues.
A key to the success of these deliberations has been the substantive
participation by organizations of civil society. Painstaking negotiations
among government delegations about changes in the world's political,
social and economic structures have been informed and shaped by
the vigorous involvement of these organizations, which tend to
reflect the needs and concerns of people at the grass roots. It
is also significant that in each case, the gathering of world
leaders, in the presence of civil society and the global media,
gave the stamp of legitimacy and consensus to the processes of
the conference.
In preparing for the proposed Summit, world leaders would be wise
to heed these lessons, to reach out to as wide a circle as possible
and to secure the goodwill and support of the world's peoples.
Some fear that international political institutions inevitably
evolve toward excessive centralization and constitute an unwarranted
layer of bureaucracy. It needs to be explicitly and forcefully
stated that any new structures for global governance must, as
a matter of both principle and practicality, ensure that the responsibility
for decision-making remains at appropriate levels.
[8]
Striking the right balance may not always be easy. On the one
hand, genuine development and real progress can be achieved only
by people themselves, acting individually and collectively, in
response to the specific concerns and needs of their time and
place. It can be argued that the decentralization of governance
is the sine qua non of development.
[9] On the other hand, the
international order clearly requires a degree of global direction
and coordination.
Therefore, in accordance with the principles of decentralization
outlined above, international institutions should be given the
authority to act only on issues of international concern where
states cannot act on their own or to intervene for the preservation
of the rights of peoples and member states. All other matters
should be relegated to national and local institutions.
[10]
Furthermore, in devising a specific framework for the future international
order, leaders should survey a broad range of approaches to governance.
Rather than being modeled after any single one of the recognized
systems of government, the solution may embody, reconcile and
assimilate within its framework such wholesome elements as are
to be found in each one of them.
For example, one of the time-tested models of governance that
may accommodate the world's diversity within a unified framework
is the federal system. Federalism has proved effective in decentralizing
authority and decision-making in large, complex, and heterogeneous
states, while maintaining a degree of overall unity and stability.
Another model worth examining is the commonwealth, which at the
global level would place the interest of the whole ahead of the
interest of any individual nation.
Extraordinary care must be taken in designing the architecture
of the international order so that it does not over time degenerate
into any form of despotism, of oligarchy, or of demagogy corrupting
the life and machinery of the constituent political institutions.
In 1955, during the first decade review of the
UN charter, the
Bahá'í International Community offered a statement
to the United Nations, based on ideas articulated nearly a century
before by Bahá'u'lláh. "The Bahá'í
concept of world order is defined in these terms: A world Super-State
in whose favor all the nations of the world will have ceded every
claim to make war, certain rights to impose taxation and all rights
to maintain armaments, except for the purposes of maintaining
internal order within their respective dominions. This State will
have to include an International Executive adequate to enforce
supreme and unchallengeable authority on every recalcitrant member
of the Commonwealth; a World Parliament whose members are elected
by the peoples in their respective countries and whose election
is confirmed by their respective governments; a Supreme Tribunal
whose judgment has a binding effect even in cases where the parties
concerned have not voluntarily agreed to submit their case to
its consideration."
[11]
While we believe this formulation of a world government is at
once the ultimate safeguard and the inevitable destiny of humankind,
we do recognize that it represents a long-term picture of a global
society. Given the pressing nature of the current state of affairs,
the world requires bold, practical and actionable strategies that
go beyond inspiring visions of the future. Nevertheless, by focusing
on a compelling concept, a clear and consistent direction for
evolutionary change emerges from the mire of contradictory views
and doctrines.
The United Nations was the centerpiece of the international system
created by the victors of World War II and, during the long decades
of ideological conflict between the East and the West, it served
as a forum for international dialogue. Over the years, its activities
have expanded to include not only international standard-setting
and promotion of social and economic development but also peacekeeping
operations on several continents.
Over the same period, the political reality of our world has experienced
a dramatic transformation. At the time of the UN's inception,
there were some fifty independent states. That number has grown
to exceed 185. At the close of World War II, governments were
the main actors on the global scene. Today, the growing influence
of organizations of civil society and of multinational corporations
has created a much more intricate political landscape.
Despite the growing complexity in its mission, the United Nations
system has retained more or less the same structure that was designed
for a new international organization some fifty years ago. It
is not surprising then that the occasion of its fiftieth anniversary
has stimulated a new dialogue about its ability to meet the political
realities of the 21
st Century. Unfortunately, in this dialogue,
criticism has far outweighed praise.
Most criticisms of the operations of the United Nations are based
on comparisons with the operations of the leading organizations
in the private sector or on measurements relative to inflated
initial expectations. Although some specific comparisons may be
useful in increasing the efficiency of the United Nations more
general exercises of this kind are essentially unfair. The United
Nations lacks not only the clear authority, but also the requisite
resources to act effectively in most instances. Accusations of
the UN's failure are in fact indictments of the member states
themselves.
Judged in isolation from the reality within which it operates,
the United Nations will always seem inefficient and ineffective.
However, if it is viewed as one element of a larger process of
development in systems of international order, the bright light
of analysis would shift from the UN's shortcomings and failures
to shine on its victories and accomplishments. To those with an
evolutionary mindset, the early experience of the United Nations
offers us a rich source of learning about its future role within
the international regime.
An evolutionary mindset implies the ability to envision an institution
over a long time frame perceiving its inherent potential for development,
identifying the fundamental principles governing its growth, formulating
high-impact strategies for short-term implementation, and even
anticipating radical discontinuities along its path.
Studying the United Nations from this perspective unveils significant
opportunities to strengthen the current system without the wholesale
restructuring of its principal institutions or the intensive re-engineering
of its core processes. In fact, we submit that no proposal for
UN reform can produce high impact unless its recommendations are
internally consistent and direct the UN along a projected evolutionary
path toward a distinctive and relevant role within the future
international order.
We believe the combination of recommendations described herein
meets these conditions and that their adoption would represent
a measured but significant step toward building a more just world
order.
[12]
A. Resuscitating the General Assembly
The foundation for any system of governance is the rule of law
and the primary institution for promulgating law is the legislature.
While the authority of local and national legislatures is generally
respected, regional and international legislative bodies have
been the subject of fear and suspicion.
In addition, the United Nations General Assembly has been a target
of attack for its ineffectiveness. Although some of the accusations
hurled against it are unfounded, there are at least two shortcomings
that hamper the ability of the General Assembly to have impact.
First, the current arrangement gives undue weight to state sovereignty,
resulting in a curious mix of anarchy and conservatism. In a reformed
United Nations, the legislative branch and its voting structure
will need to represent more accurately the people of the world
as well as nation-states.
[13]
Second, General Assembly resolutions are not binding unless they
are separately ratified as a treaty by each member state. If the
current system, which places state sovereignty above all other
concerns, is to give way to a system which can address the interests
of a single and interdependent humanity, the resolutions of the
General Assembly -- within a limited domain of issues -- must
gradually come to possess the force of law with provisions for
both enforcement and sanctions.
These two shortcomings are closely linked inasmuch as the majority
of the world's people, suspicious and fearful of world government,
are unlikely to submit to an international institution unless
it is itself more genuinely representative.
[14]
Nevertheless, in the short term, five practical measures are possible
to strengthen the General Assembly, enhance its reputation and
align it with a longer term direction.
1. Raising minimum requirements for membership
The minimum standards for conduct by a government towards its
people have been well established in the
Universal Declaration
of Human Rights and
subsequent international covenants, collectively
referred to as the International Bill of Human Rights.
Without an unshakable commitment to regular and periodic elections
with universal participation by secret ballot, to freedom of expression
and to other such human rights, a member state stands in the way
of the active and intelligent participation of the vast majority
of its population in the affairs of its own communities.
We propose that there should be consequences for member states
that violate these standards. Similarly, nations seeking recognition
should be denied membership until they openly espouse these standards
or make recognizable efforts to move in that direction.
2. Appointing a commission to study borders and frontiers
Outstanding irredentist claims continue to be a major source of
conflict and war, highlighting the critical need for general agreements
on national boundaries. Such treaties can only be arrived at after
consideration of the arbitrary manner in which many nation-states
were originally defined and of all outstanding claims of nations
and ethnic groups.
Rather than relegating such claims to the World Court, we believe
it would be best to establish a special International Commission
to research all claims affecting international boundaries and
then, after careful consideration, to make recommendations for
action.
[15] The results would serve as an early warning system
for growing tension among civil or ethnic groups and assessment
of threats in situations benefiting from early preventive diplomacy.
In order to establish a genuine community of nations in the long
run, it will be necessary to settle finally all disputes over
borders. This research would serve that end.
3. Searching for new financial arrangements
Primarily triggered by the unwillingness of some member states
to remit their general assessments on time, compounded by the
absence of authority to collect any interest accrued because of
that delay, and further aggravated by the bureaucratic inefficiencies
in parts of its operations, the annual budget shortfall pressures
the UN into a crisis management mentality.
Voluntary payments from member states will never be a reliable
approach to finance an international institution. Vigorous approaches
to revenue generation must be devised to enable the smooth functioning
of the UN machinery. We propose the immediate appointment of an
expert Task Force to begin a rigorous search for solutions.
In studying alternatives, the Task Force should be mindful of
several fundamental principles. First, there should be no assessments
without representation. Second, in the interest of fairness and
justice, assessments should be graduated. Third, mechanisms for
encouraging voluntary contributions by individuals and communities
should not be overlooked.
[16]
4. Making a commitment to a universal auxiliary language and
a common script
The United Nations, which currently uses six official languages,
would derive substantial benefit from either choosing a single
existing language or creating a new one to be used as an auxiliary
language in all its fora. Such a step has long been advocated
by many groups, from the Esperantists to the Bahá'í
International Community itself.
[17] In addition to saving money
and simplifying bureaucratic procedures, such a move would go
far toward promoting a spirit of unity.
We propose the appointment of a high-level Commission, with members
from various regions and drawn from relevant fields, including
linguistics, economics, the social sciences, education and the
media, to begin careful study on the matter of an international
auxiliary language and the adoption of a common script.
We foresee that eventually, the world cannot but adopt a single,
universally agreed-upon auxiliary language and script to be taught
in schools worldwide, as a supplement to the language or languages
of each country. The objective would be to facilitate the transition
to a global society through better communication among nations,
reduction of administrative costs for businesses, governments
and others involved in global enterprise, and a general fostering
of more cordial relations between all members of the human family.
[18]
This proposal should be read narrowly. It does not in any way
envision the decline of any living language or culture.
5. Investigating the possibility of a single international
currency
The need to promote the adoption of a global currency as a vital
element in the integration of the global economy is self-evident.
Among other benefits, economists believe that a single currency
will curb unproductive speculation and unpredictable market swings,
promote a leveling of incomes and prices worldwide, and thereby
result in significant savings.
[19]
The possibility of savings will not lead to action unless there
is an overwhelming body of evidence addressing the relevant concerns
and doubts of skeptics, accompanied by a credible implementation
plan. We propose the appointment of a Commission consisting of
the most accomplished government leaders, academics and professionals
to begin immediate exploration into the economic benefits and
the political costs of a single currency and to hypothesize about
an effective implementation approach.
B. Developing a Meaningful Executive Function
At the international level, the single most important executive
function is the enforcement of a collective security pact.
[20]
Collective security implies a binding covenant among nations to
act in concert against threats to the collective. The effectiveness
of the covenant depends on the degree to which members commit
themselves to the collective good, even if motivated by a sense
of enlightened self-interest.
Within the United Nations, the enforcement role is largely carried
out by the Security Council, with other functions of the executive
being shared with the Secretariat. Both are hampered in fulfilling
their mandated roles. The Security Council suffers from an inability
to take decisive action. The Secretariat is pressured by the complex
demands of the member states.
In the short term, four practical measures are possible to strengthen
the executive function within the United Nations.
1. Limiting the exercise of the veto power
The original intention of the
UN Charter in conferring veto power
on the five Permanent Members was to prevent the Security Council
from authorizing military actions against a Permanent Member or
requiring the use of its forces against its will.
[21] In fact,
beginning with the Cold War, the veto power has been exercised
repeatedly for reasons that have to do with regional or national
security.
In its 1955 submission on UN reform, the Bahá'í
International Community argued for the gradual elimination of
the concepts of "permanent membership" and "veto
power" as confidence in the Security Council would build.
Today, forty years later, we reaffirm that position. However,
we also propose that, as a transitionary step, measures be introduced
to curb the exercise of the veto power to reflect the original
intention of
the Charter.
2. Institutionalizing ad hoc military arrangements
To support the peacekeeping operations of the United Nations,
and to add credibility to resolutions of the Security Council,
an International Force should be created.
[22] Its loyalty to
the UN and its independence from national considerations must
be assured. The command and control of such a fully armed Force
would reside with the Secretary-General under the authority of
the Security Council. Its finances, however, would be determined
by the General Assembly. In constructing such a force, the Secretary-General
would seek to draw competent personnel from all regions of the
world.
If properly implemented, this Force would also provide a sense
of security that might encourage steps toward global disarmament,
thereby making possible an outright ban on all weapons of mass
destruction.
[23] Furthermore, in line with the principle of collective
security, it would become gradually understood that states need
only maintain armaments sufficient for their own defense and the
maintenance of internal order.
As an immediate step toward the establishment of this Force, the
present system of ad hoc arrangements could be institutionalized
to establish core regional forces for rapid deployment during
a crisis.
3. Applying the notion of collective security to other problems
of the global commons
Although originally conceived within the context of a threat of
military aggression, the principle of collective security, some
argue, may now be applied in an expansive manner to all threats
which, although apparently local in nature, are actually the result
of the complex breakdown of the present-day global order. These
threats include but are not limited to international drug trafficking,
food security, and the emergence of new global pandemics.
[24]
We believe this issue would have to be included on the agenda
of the proposed Global Summit. However, it is unlikely that expansive
formulations of collective security would preclude the fundamental
cause of military aggression.
4. Retaining successful UN institutions with independent executive
function
Some of the more independent organizations within the UN family,
such as the UN International Children's Emergency Fund, the International
Civil Aviation Organization, the Universal Postal Union, the International
Telegraph and Communications Union, the International Labor Organization,
and the World Health Organization, have enjoyed conspicuous success
with focused but important areas of international concern.
Generally, these organizations already have their own executive
function. Their independence should be retained and reinforced
as part of the international executive.
[25]
C. A Strengthened World Court
In any system of governance, a strong judicial function is necessary
to moderate the powers of the other branches and to enunciate,
promulgate, protect and deliver justice. The drive to create just
societies has been among the fundamental forces in history
[26]
-- and without doubt no lasting world civilization can be founded
unless it is firmly grounded in the principle of justice.
Justice is the one power that can translate the dawning consciousness
of humanity's oneness into a collective will through which the
necessary structures of global community life can be confidently
erected. An age that sees the people of the world increasingly
gaining access to information of every kind and to a diversity
of ideas will find justice asserting itself as the ruling principle
of successful social organization.
At the individual level, justice is that faculty of the human
soul that enables each person to distinguish truth from falsehood.
In the sight of God, Bahá'u'lláh avers, justice
is "the best beloved of all things" since it permits
each individual to see with his own eyes rather than the eyes
of others, to know through his own knowledge rather than the knowledge
of his neighbor or his group.
At the group level, a concern for justice is the indispensable
compass in collective decision-making, because it is the only
means by which unity of thought and action can be achieved. Far
from encouraging the punitive spirit that has often masqueraded
under its name in past ages, justice is the practical expression
of awareness that, in the achievement of human progress, the interests
of the individual and those of society are inextricably linked.
To the extent that justice becomes a guiding concern of human
interaction, a consultative climate is encouraged that permits
options to be examined dispassionately and appropriate courses
of action selected. In such a climate the perennial tendencies
toward manipulation and partisanship are far less likely to deflect
the decision-making process.
Such a conception of justice will be gradually reinforced by the
realization that in an interdependent world, the interests of
the individual and society are inextricably intertwined. In this
context, justice is a thread that must be woven into the consideration
of every interaction, whether in the family, the neighborhood,
or at the global level.
We see in the current United Nations system the foundation for
a strengthened World Court. Established in 1945 as the principal
judicial organ of the United Nations, the International Court
of Justice is characterized by many positive elements. The current
system for the selection of judges, for example, seeks to create
a judicial panel which is representative of a wide range of peoples,
regions, and judicial systems.
[27]
The Court's primary shortcoming is that it lacks the authority
to issue legally binding decisions, except in those cases where
states have chosen in advance to be bound by its decisions. Without
jurisdiction, the Court is powerless to administer justice.
[28]
In time, the decisions of the World Court may become binding and
enforceable upon all states; however, in the short term, the World
Court might be strengthened through two other measures.
1. Extending the court's jurisdiction
Currently, the Court's jurisdiction is limited to a few categories
of cases, and only nations have standing to bring an action. We
propose that in addition to member states, other organs of the
United Nations should be given the right to bring cases before
the Court.
2. Coordinating the thematic courts
The World Court should act as an umbrella for existing and new
thematic courts, that arbitrate and adjudicate international cases
within specific thematic domains.
Early components of a unified system can already be found in the
specialized courts for arbitration of such matters as commerce
and transportation, and in the proposals for such bodies as an
International Criminal Court and a Chamber for Environmental Matters.
Other issue areas that might need to be addressed under such a
system would include courts for international terrorism and drug
trafficking.
The primary objective of governing institutions at all levels
is the advancement of human civilization. This objective is difficult
to satisfy without the inspired and intelligent participation
of the generality of humankind in the life and affairs of the
community.
With a focus on building institutions and creating a community
of nations, international bodies have historically remained distant
from the minds and hearts of the world's people. Separated by
several layers of government from the international arena and
confused by the media's coverage of international news, the vast
majority of people have not yet developed an affinity for institutions
like the United Nations. Only those individuals who have had some
access to the international arena through channels like organizations
of civil society seem able to identify with these institutions.
Paradoxically, international institutions cannot develop into
an effective and mature level of government and fulfill their
primary objective to advance human civilization, if they do not
recognize and nurture their relationship of mutual dependency
with the people of the world. Such recognition would set in motion
a virtuous cycle of trust and support that would accelerate the
transition to a new world order.
The tasks entailed in the development of a global society call
for levels of capacity far beyond anything the human race has
so far been able to muster. Reaching these levels will require
an enormous expansion in access to knowledge on the part of every
individual. International institutions will succeed in eliciting
and directing the potentialities latent in the peoples of the
world to the extent that their exercise of authority is moderated
by their obligation to win the confidence, respect, and genuine
support of those whose actions they seek to govern and to consult
openly and to the fullest extent possible with all those whose
interests are affected.
Individuals who become confident and respectful of these institutions
will, in turn, demand that their national governments increase
their support, both political and economic, for the international
order. In turn, the international institutions, with increased
influence and power, will be better positioned to undertake further
actions to establish a legitimate and effective world order.
Along with the measures for strengthening its structure, the United
Nations needs to adopt initiatives that release the latent power
in all people to participate in this galvanizing process. To this
end, certain themes that accelerate the advancement of the individual
and society warrant special consideration. Among them, promoting
economic development, protecting human rights, advancing the status
of women, and emphasizing moral development are four priorities
so closely tied to the advancement of civilization that they must
be emphasized as part of the United Nations agenda.
A. Promoting Economic Development
Economic development strategies employed by the United Nations,
the World Bank and a number of governments during the last fifty
years, however sincerely conceived and executed, have fallen far
short of aspirations. In much of the world, the gap between the
"haves"and "have-nots"has widened and is
accelerating with the persistent disparity in income levels. Social
problems have not subsided. In fact, crime and disease are not
just on the rise; they are also becoming endemic and more difficult
to combat.
These failures can be traced to a number of factors. They include
a misplaced focus on large-scale projects and bureaucratic over-centralization,
unjust terms of international trade, a pervasive corruption that
has been allowed to flourish throughout the system, the exclusion
of women from the decision-making processes at all levels, a general
inability to ensure that resources reach the poor, and the diversion
of development resources into military hardware.
A dispassionate examination of these factors betrays a common
systematic and fundamental flaw in the current paradigm for economic
development: material needs are often addressed without taking
into account the spiritual factors and their motivating power.
Development should not become confused with the creation of an
unsustainable consumer society. True prosperity encompasses spiritual
as well as material well-being. Food, drink, shelter and a degree
of material comfort are essential, but human beings cannot and
never will find fulfillment in these necessities. Nor is contentment
to be found in the somewhat more intangible material attainments
such as social recognition or political power. Ultimately, not
even intellectual achievement satisfies our deepest needs.
It is in the hunger for something more, something beyond ourselves,
that the reality of the human spirit can be properly understood.
Although the spiritual side of our nature is obscured by the day-to-day
struggle for material attainment, our need for the transcendent
cannot long be disregarded. Thus a sustainable development paradigm
must address both the spiritual aspirations of human beings and
their material needs and desires.
Education is the best investment in economic development. "Man
is the supreme Talisman. Lack of a proper education hath, however,
deprived him of that which he doth inherently possess,"writes
Bahá'u'lláh. "Regard man as a mine rich in
gems of inestimable value. Education can, alone, cause it to reveal
its treasures, and enable mankind to benefit therefrom."
[29] Education, implies more than a process of mastering a narrow
body of knowledge or learning a set of life skills. In truth,
education, which should be a fundamental imperative of development,
must also teach the process for knowledge acquisition, cultivate
the powers of intellect and reasoning, and infuse the student
with indispensable moral qualities.
It is this comprehensive approach to education that allows people
to contribute to the creation of wealth and encourage its just
distribution.
[30]
Genuine wealth is created when work is undertaken not simply as
a means of earning a livelihood but also as a way to contribute
to society. We hold that meaningful work is a basic need of the
human soul, as important to the proper development of the individual
as nutritious food, clean water and fresh air are to the physical
body.
Because of the spiritually damaging nature of dependency, schemes
which focus solely on redistributing material wealth are doomed
to failure in the long run. Distribution of wealth must be approached
in an efficient and equitable manner. In fact, it must be intimately
integrated with the process of wealth creation.
We propose the following recommendation to the United Nations
system for promoting more effective development.
1. Launching a determined campaign to implement Agenda 21
The plan of action formulated at the United Nations Conference
on Environment and Development incorporated a wide range of views
from civil society and a set of principles not unlike those articulated
in this statement. Unfortunately, however, little has been done
by member states to implement the measures described in the plan.
If the objectives of Agenda 21 are to be addressed and satisfied,
an expanded effort, different in nature but comparable in scale
and commitment to the Marshall Plan for the redevelopment of post-war
Europe, might be necessary. In this case, the Bretton Woods institutions
would be called upon to mount a pronounced campaign to expedite
national implementation efforts. A mandate of this nature can
result only from a conference, similar to the first Bretton Woods
meetings fifty years ago, dedicated to a wholesale re-examination
of these institutions. The purpose of this re-examination would
be to make available to the people of the world sufficient resources
so that they could implement local initiatives. Moreover, the
conference could also expand its agenda to address deeper issues
of global economic security through the redefinition of existing
institutions or the creation of new structures.
[31]
If successful, this new machinery could also be extended to coordinate
implementation of the measures identified at the recent Social
Summit.
B. Protecting Fundamental Human Rights
Over the five decades since the United Nations was founded, an
understanding has emerged that human rights must be recognized
and protected internationally if peace, social progress and economic
prosperity are to be established.
The foundation for international agreement on the nature of human
rights is the all-important
Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
adopted by the United Nations in 1948 and elaborated in
two international
covenants -- the
International Covenant on Civil and Political
Rights and the
International Covenant on Social, Economic and
Cultural Rights. In addition, some 75 other conventions and declarations
identify and promote the rights of women and children, the right
to freedom of worship, and the right to development, to name but
a few.
The current United Nations human rights regime has two major shortcomings:
limited means for enforcement and follow-up, and too little emphasis
on the responsibilities that accompany all rights.
Human rights enforcement at the international level needs to be
handled in a manner similar to the treatment of military aggression
under a collective security regime. The violation of human rights
in one state must be considered the concern of all, and enforcement
mechanisms must provide for a unified response on the part of
the entire international community. The question of when and how
to intervene to protect human rights is more difficult to answer.
Vigorous enforcement will require a high degree of global consensus
on what constitutes a flagrant and willful violation.
Important steps toward global consensus were taken during the
process leading up to the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights,
which affirmed unequivocally that human rights are universal,
indivisible and interdependent, and ended the long-standing debate
about the relative importance of civil and political rights as
compared to social, economic and cultural rights.
[32] Conference
resolutions also confirmed that human rights must be applied irrespective
of differences of racial background, ethnic origin, religious
belief or national identity. They encompass the equality of women
and men; they include for all individuals worldwide the same rights
to freedom of investigation, information and religious practice;
and they embody the right of everyone to basic necessities such
as food, shelter, and health care.
[33] Beyond the need to build
consensus and strengthen enforcement of human rights, it is important
to establish a greater understanding that to each right is attached
a corresponding responsibility.
The right to be recognized as a person before the law, for example,
implies the responsibility to obey the law -- and to make both
the laws and the legal system more just. Likewise, in the socio-economic
realm, the right to marry carries with it the responsibility to
support the family unit, to educate one's children and to treat
all family members with respect.
[34] The right to work cannot
be divorced from the responsibility to perform one's duties to
the best of one's ability. In the broadest sense, the notion of
"universal"human rights implies a responsibility to
humanity as a whole.
Ultimately, while it is up to the individual to fulfill the responsibility
in each such area, it is up to international institutions to protect
the related human right. We propose three measures for immediate
action.
1. Strengthening the machinery of the UN for monitoring, implementation
and follow-up
The United Nations machinery for the monitoring, implementation
and follow-up of government compliance with international covenants
is inadequate. The Centre for Human Rights consists of a very
small professional staff struggling to support efforts to monitor
the compliance by countries of all treaties they have ratified.
We believe the resources assigned to this Centre must be dramatically
increased if it is to discharge its duties properly.
2. Encouraging universal ratification of international conventions
on human rights
Since ratifying the international conventions on human rights
creates an obligation for member states, albeit not a practically
enforceable one, the Secretary-General and all bodies of the UN
might consider every opportunity to encourage member states to
act on this issue. In fact, a demanding timeline for universal
ratification may be an inspiring goal to be set by the General
Assembly.
3. Assuring respect for the monitoring organs of UN involved
in human rights
Since the mandate of the human rights monitoring agencies is of
a very serious nature, the UN needs to be particularly mindful
of perceptions created by the structure and processes of these
agencies and equally deliberate in acting to resolve compromising
situations.
We believe it would be prudent to explore during the nomination
process the qualifications of member states in visible positions
and to exclude from election to membership on the Commission on
Human Rights and other monitoring agencies, any member states
that have not yet ratified the international conventions. While
these member states would still be able to fully participate in
deliberations, it would protect the United Nations from a potentially
embarrassing and compromising situation.
We also believe that a single exception is warranted to the above
rule. Member states, not under the scrutiny of the UN, that have
sufficient protection for fundamental human rights within their
constitutions, but which have not been able to complete the ratification
process because of internal political reasons, should not be barred
from election to visible positions.
Finally, it also seems prudent for member states that have ratified
the international conventions but are under scrutiny for gross
human rights violations to be disqualified from election to the
offices of conferences and other meetings of the Commission on
Human Rights. This will prevent a widespread perception of the
proceedings as a mockery.
C. Advancing the Status of Women
The creation of a peaceful and sustainable world civilization
will be impossible without the full participation of women in
every arena of human activity.
[35] While this proposition is
increasingly supported, there is a marked difference between intellectual
acceptance and its implementation.
It is time for the institutions of the world, composed mainly
of men, to use their influence to promote the systematic inclusion
of women, not out of condescension or presumed self-sacrifice
but as an act motivated by the belief that the contributions of
women are required for society to progress.
[36] Only as the contributions
of women are valued will they be sought out and woven into the
fabric of society. The result will be a more peaceful, balanced,
just and prosperous civilization.
[37]
The obvious biological differences between the sexes need not
be a cause for inequality or disunity. Rather, they are an aspect
of complementarity. If the role of women as mothers is properly
valued, their work in nurturing and educating children will be
respected and properly rewarded. It should also be acknowledged
that the child-bearing role does not diminish one's aptitude for
leadership, or undermine one's intellectual, scientific or creative
capacity. Indeed, it may be an enhancement.
We believe progress on a few critical fronts would have the greatest
impact on the advancement of women. We share the following perspectives
which are foundational to the recommendations which follow.
First and foremost, violence against women and girls, one of the
most blatant and widespread abuses of human rights, must be eradicated.
Violence has been a fact of life for many women throughout the
world, regardless of race, class, or educational background. In
many societies, traditional beliefs that women are inferior or
a burden make them easy targets of anger and frustration. Even
strong legal remedies and enforcement mechanisms will have little
effect until they are supported by a transformation in the attitudes
of men. Women will not be safe until a new social conscience takes
hold, one which will make the mere expression of condescending
attitudes towards women, let alone any form of physical violence,
a cause for deep shame.
Second, the family remains the basic building block of society
and behaviors observed and learned there will be projected onto
interactions at all other levels of society. Therefore, the members
of the institution of the family must be transformed so that the
principle of equality of women and men is internalized. Further,
if the bonds of love and unity cement family relationships, the
impact will reach beyond its borders and affect society as a whole.
Third, while the overall goal of any society must be to educate
all its members, at this stage in human history the greatest need
is to educate women and girls.
[38] For over twenty years, studies
have consistently documented that, of all possible investments,
educating women and girls pays the highest overall dividends in
terms of social development, the eradication of poverty and the
advancement of community.
[39]
Fourth, the global dialogue on the role of men and women must
promote recognition of the intrinsic complementarity of the two
sexes. For the differences between them are a natural assertion
of the necessity of women and men to work together to bring to
fruition their potentialities for advancing civilization, no less
than for perpetuating the human race. Such differences are inherent
in the interactive character of their common humanity. This dialogue
needs to consider the historical forces which have led to the
oppression of women and examine the new social, political and
spiritual realities which are today transforming our civilization.
As a starting point for this dialogue we offer this analogy from
the Bahá'í Writings: "The world of humanity
has two wings -- one is women and the other men. Not until both
wings are equally developed can the bird fly. Should one wing
remain weak, flight is impossible."
[40] In addition, we
support the following three specific measures.
1. Increasing the participation of women in member state delegations
We recommend that member states be encouraged to appoint an increased
number of women to ambassadorial or similar diplomatic positions.
2. Encouraging universal ratification of international conventions
that protect women's rights and improve their status
As with the international conventions on human rights, the Secretary-General
and all bodies of the UN should consider every opportunity to
encourage member states to proceed with ratification of conventions
and protocols that protect women's rights and seek their advancement.
3. Planning ahead for implementation of the Beijing Platform
of Action
The Forward-Looking Strategies declaration adopted at the Nairobi
conference was highly bold and imaginative, yet its implementation
was rather ineffective.
[41] We believe that a lesson should be
learned from this unfortunate experience and deliberate plans
be put into place to ensure that the Platform of Action emerging
from the Beijing conference does not meet a similar fate.
We propose that a monitoring system be established to prepare
status reports on the implementation of adopted measures and to
make presentations to the General Assembly annually, highlighting
the top twenty and bottom twenty member states in terms of compliance.
D. Emphasizing Moral Development
The process of integrating human beings into larger and larger
groups, although influenced by culture and geography, has been
driven largely by religion, the most powerful agent for changing
human attitudes and behavior. By religion, however, we mean the
essential foundation or reality of religion, not the dogmas and
blind imitations which have gradually encrusted it and which are
the cause of its decline and effacement.
In the words of `Abdu'l-Bahá "Material civilization
is like the body. No matter how infinitely graceful, elegant and
beautiful it may be, it is dead. Divine civilization is like the
spirit, and the body gets its life from the spirit. . . . Without
the spirit the world of mankind is lifeless."
[42]
The concept of promoting specific morals or values may be controversial,
especially in this age of humanistic relativism. Nevertheless,
we firmly believe there exists a common set of values that have
been obscured from recognition by those who exaggerate minor differences
in religious or cultural practice for political purposes.
[43]
These foundation virtues, taught by all spiritual communities,
constitute a basic framework for moral development.
Reflection on the commonalties inherent in the great religious
and moral systems of the world reveals that each one espouses
unity, cooperation and harmony among people, establishes guidelines
for responsible behavior and supports the development of virtues
which are the foundation for trust-based and principled interactions.
[44]
1. Promoting the development of curricula for moral education
in schools
We advocate a universal campaign to promote moral development.
Simply put, this campaign should encourage and assist local initiatives
all over the world to incorporate a moral dimension into the education
of children. It may necessitate the holding of conferences, the
publication of relevant materials and many other supportive activities,
all of which represent a solid investment in a future generation.
This campaign for moral development may begin with a few simple
precepts. For example, rectitude of conduct, trustworthiness,
and honesty are the foundation for stability and progress; altruism
should guide all human endeavor, such that sincerity and respect
for the rights of others become an integral part of every individual's
actions; service to humanity is the true source of happiness,
honor and meaning in life.
We also believe the campaign will be successful only to the extent
that the force of religion is relied upon in the effort. The doctrine
of the separation of church and state should not be used as a
shield to block this salutary influence. Specifically, religious
communities will have to be drawn in as collaborative partners
in this important initiative.
As it proceeds, this campaign will accelerate a process of individual
empowerment that will transform the way in which people, regardless
of economic class, social standing, or ethnic, racial or religious
background, interact with their society.
We have reached a turning point in the progress of nations.
"Unification of the whole of mankind is the hall-mark of
the stage which human society is now approaching. Unity of family,
of tribe, of city-state, and nation have been successively attempted
and fully established. World unity is the goal towards which a
harassed humanity is striving. Nation-building has come to an
end. The anarchy inherent in state sovereignty is moving towards
a climax. A world, growing to maturity, must abandon this fetish,
recognize the oneness and wholeness of human relationships, and
establish once for all the machinery that can best incarnate this
fundamental principle of its life."
[45] Over a century ago,
Bahá'u'lláh taught that there is but one God, that
there is only one human race, and that all the world's religions
represent stages in the revelation of God's will and purpose for
humanity. Bahá'u'lláh announced the arrival of the
time, foretold in all of the world's scriptures, when humanity
would at last witness the uniting of all peoples into a peaceful
and integrated society.
He said that human destiny lies not merely in the creation of
a materially prosperous society, but also in the construction
of a global civilization where individuals are encouraged to act
as moral beings who understand their true nature and are able
to progress toward a greater fulfillment that no degree of material
bounty alone can provide.
Bahá'u'lláh was also among the first to invoke the
phrase "new world order"to describe the momentous changes
in the political, social and religious life of the world. "The
signs of impending convulsions and chaos can now be discerned,
inasmuch as the prevailing Order appeareth to be lamentably defective,"
He wrote. "Soon will the present-day order be rolled up and
a new one spread out in its stead."
[46] To this end, He
laid a charge on the leaders and members of society alike. "It
is not for him to pride himself who loveth his own country, but
rather for him who loveth the whole world. The earth is but one
country and mankind its citizens."
[47] Above all else, leaders
for the next generation must be motivated by a sincere desire
to serve the entire community and must understand that leadership
is a responsibility; not a path to privilege. For too long, leadership
has been understood, by both leaders and followers, as the assertion
of control over others. Indeed, this age demands a new definition
of leadership and a new type of leader.
[48] This is especially
true in the international arena. In order to establish a sense
of trust, win the confidence, and inculcate a fond affinity in
the hearts of the world's people for institutions of the international
order, these leaders will have to reflect on their own actions.
Through an unblemished record of personal integrity, they must
help restore confidence and trust in government. They must embody
the characteristics of honesty, humility and sincerity of purpose
in seeking the truth of a situation. They must be committed to
and guided by principles, thereby acting in the best long-term
interests of humanity as a whole.
"Let your vision be world-embracing, rather than confined
to your own selves,"Bahá'u'lláh wrote. "Do
not busy yourselves in your own concerns; let your thoughts be
fixed upon that which will rehabilitate the fortunes of mankind
and sanctify the hearts and souls of men."
[49]
1 Boutros-Ghali, Boutros. 1992. An Agenda for Peace: Peace-making
and Peace-Keeping. (Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant
to the Statement Adopted by the Summit Meeting of the Security
Council, January 31, New York: United Nations.)
2 Surely the preamble to The Charter of the United Nations is
among the most inspired passages in the history of human governance:
"WE THE PEOPLES OF THE UNITED NATIONS DETERMINED
"to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war,
which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind,
and
"to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity
and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and
women and of nations large and small, and
"to establish conditions under which justice and respect
for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of
international law can be maintained, and
"to promote social progress and better standards of life
in larger freedom,
"AND FOR THESE ENDS
"to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one
another as good neighbors, and
"to unite our strength to maintain international peace and
security, and
"to ensure, by the acceptance of principles and the institutions
of methods, that armed force shall not be used, save in the common
interest, and
"to employ international machinery for the promotion of the
economic and social advancement of all peoples,
"HAVE RESOLVED TO COMBINE OUR EFFORTS TO ACCOMPLISH THESE
AIMS.
"Accordingly, our respective Governments, through representatives
assembled in the city of San Francisco, who have exhibited their
full powers found to be in good and due form, have agreed to the
present Charter of the United Nations and do hereby establish
an international organization to be known as the United Nations."
United Nations. 1994. Charter of the United Nations and
Statute of the International Court of Justice. United Nations
Department of Public Information. DPI/511 - 93243 - April 1994
- 40M.
3 The World Bank. 1994. World Development Report. (Oxford:
Oxford University Press.) pp. 162 - 163.
4 There have been a number of recent proposals which discuss
the need for reforms in the United Nations system within a particular
issue area. Our Common Future, the report of The World
Commission on Environment and Development, for example, suggested
a number of changes, such as the creation of a special UN "Board
for Sustainable Development" to coordinate UN action in promoting
development while protecting the environment.
The World Commission on Environment and Development, Our
Common Future. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987.)
Likewise, the report of The Brandt Commission, Common Crisis
North-South: Co-operation for World Recovery, makes suggestions
for reform in the critical area of finance, trade and energy,
as they affect North-South imbalances.
The Brandt Commission, Common Crisis North-South: Co-operation
for World Recovery. (London: Pan Books, 1983.)
The literature proposing widespread changes in the United Nations
is also voluminous and continues to grow, especially in anticipation
of the 50th anniversary of the United Nations. The first major
and serious reassessments of the United Nations began in the 1950s,
in anticipation of the 10th anniversary of the Charter. In this
regard the publication in 1958 of World Peace Through World
Law by Louis B. Sohn and Grenville Clark, which was among
the first solid proposals to suggest eliminating the veto power,
must be considered a milestone.
Grenville Clark, and Louis B. Sohn, World Peace Through
World Law. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966.)
More recent proposals range from The Stockholm Initiative, which
offers a generalist vision of what might be done to strengthen
the United Nations, to Harold Stassen's recent United Nations:
a Working Paper for Restructuring, which gives an article-by-article
proposal for rewriting the UN Charter. Benjamin Ferencz's latest
book, New Legal Foundations for Global Survival, offers
a series of hard-headed and legal-minded suggestions for reform
based on the premise that nations, peoples and individuals must
be free to pursue their destinies in whatever way they may see
fit - providing it does not jeopardize or destroy the fundamental
human rights of others to live in peace and dignity.
The Stockholm Initiative on Global Security and Governance
1991. Common Responsibility in the 1990's. (Stockholm:
Prime Minister's Office, Stockholm, Sweden.)
Harold Stassen, United Nations: A Working Paper for Restructuring.
(Minneapolis: Learner Publications Company, 1994.)
Benjamin Ferencz, New Legal Foundations for Global Survival.
(Oceana Publications, 1994)
5 The Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighborhood.
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1995.)
Many thinkers have recognized the reality of oneness and understood
its implications for the development of human society, including
paleontologist Richard Leaky: "We are one species, one people.
Every individual on this earth is a member of 'homo sapiens sapiens,'
and the geographical variations we see among peoples are simply
biological nuances on the basic theme. The human capacity for
culture permits its elaboration in widely different and colorful
ways. The often very deep differences between those cultures should
not be seen as divisions between people. Instead, cultures should
be interpreted for what they really are: the ultimate declaration
of belonging to the human species."
Richard E. Leakey, and Rodger Lewin, Origins: What new discoveries
reveal about the emergence of our species and its possible future.
(New York: Dutton, 1977.)
In general terms, the writings of Shoghi Effendi offer a thorough
and extended exposition on the concept of the oneness of humanity.
A brief summary of the concept, as Bahá'ís view
it, can be found in The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh.
Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh.
(Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust. 1938.)
pp. 42-43.
7 We are not alone in making this proposal. The Commission on
Global Governance writes in Our Global Neighborhood: "Our
recommendation is that the General Assembly should agree to hold
a World Conference on Governance in 1998, with its decisions to
be ratified and put into effect by 2000."
The Report of the Commission on Global Governance, Our Global
Neighborhood. (New York: Oxford University Press. 1995.) p.351.
8 Two commonly used maxims illustrate this principle. "Small
is beautiful," a maxim coined in the early '70s as an economic
principle, applies equally to governance. Schumacher explains:
"In the affairs of men, there always appears to be a need
for at least two things simultaneously, which, on the face of
it, seem to be incompatible and to exclude one another. We always
need both freedom and order. We need the freedom of lots and lots
of small, autonomous unities, and, at the same time, the orderliness
of large-scale, possibly global, unity and coordination."
E. F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful: Economics as if People
Mattered. (New York: Harper and Row, 1973.) p. 65.
"Think globally, act locally," a slogan promoted by
environmental and community development activists, captures a
perspective in which the need for overall global coordination
is carefully balanced against the need for local and national
autonomy.
9 "Far from aiming at the subversion of the existing foundations
of society... [a system of world governance] seeks to broaden
its basis, to remold its institutions in a manner consonant with
the needs of an ever-changing world. It can conflict with no legitimate
allegiances, nor can it undermine essential loyalties. Its purpose
is neither to stifle the flame of a sane and intelligent patriotism
in men's hearts, nor to abolish the system of national autonomy
so essential if the evils of excessive centralization are to be
avoided. It does not ignore, nor does it attempt to suppress,
the diversity of ethnical origins, of climate, of history, of
language and tradition, of thought and habit, that differentiate
the peoples and nations of the world. It calls for a wider loyalty,
for a larger aspiration than any that has animated the human race.
It insists upon the subordination of national impulses and interests
to the imperative claims of a unified world. It repudiates excessive
centralization on one hand, and disclaims all attempts at uniformity
on the other."
Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh.
(Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust. 1974.)
pp. 41-42.
10 Writing in the 1930s, Shoghi Effendi, who then led the worldwide
Bahá'í community, sketched out some of the functions
and responsibilities for a future world legislature. Among other
things, he wrote: "a world legislature, whose members will,
as trustees of the whole of mankind... enact such laws as shall
be required to regulate the life, satisfy the needs and adjust
the relationships of all races and peoples."
Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh.
(Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust. 1974.)
p. 203.
This view is shared by such scholars as Jan Tinbergen, winner
of the 1969 Nobel prize for Economics, who stated, "Mankind's
problems can no longer be solved by national governments. What
is needed is a World Government. This can best be achieved by
strengthening the United Nations system."
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Human Development
Report 1994. Global Governance for the 21st Century. (New
York: Oxford University Press.) p.88.
11 Bahá'í International Community. Proposals
to the United Nations for Charter Revision. May 23, 1955.
12 Throughout His writings, Bahá'u'lláh consistently
uses the terms "order," "world order" and
"new world order" to describe the ongoing and momentous
series of changes in the political, social and religious life
of the world. In the late 1860s, He wrote: "The world's equilibrium
hath been upset through the vibrating influence of this most great,
this new World Order. Mankind's ordered life hath been revolutionized
through the agency of this unique, this wondrous System - the
like of which mortal eyes have never witnessed."
Bahá'u'lláh, The Kitáb-i-Aqdas.
Translated by Shoghi Effendi and a Committee at the Bahá'í
World Centre. (Haifa: Bahá'í World Centre, 1992.) [Ed. - par. 81]
13 `Abdu'l-Bahá, The Secret of Divine Civilization.
Trans. Marzieh Gail. (Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing
Trust. 1957.) p. 24.
14 United Nations Research Institute for Social Development
(UNRISD), States of Disarray: The Social Effects of Globalization.
(London: KPC Group. 1995) pp. 106-109.
15 There are many ways that such a Commission, or even the World
Legislature itself, might go about determining fair and just borders
for all nations. But as daunting as the task may seem, it is an
important part of the process of building a new order. Wrote `Abdu'l-Bahá:
"True civilization will unfurl its banner in the midmost
heart of the world whenever a certain number of its distinguished
and high-minded sovereigns -- the shining exemplars of devotion
and determination -- shall, for the good and happiness of all
mankind, arise, with firm resolve and clear vision, to establish
the Cause of Universal Peace. They must make the Cause of Peace
the object of general consultation, and seek by every means in
their power to establish a Union of the nations of the world.
They must conclude a binding treaty and establish a covenant,
the provisions of which shall be sound, inviolable and definite.
They must proclaim it to all the world and obtain for it the sanction
of all the human race. This supreme and noble undertaking -- the
real source of the peace and well-being of all the world -- should
be regarded as sacred by all that dwell on earth. All the forces
of humanity must be mobilized to ensure the stability and permanence
of this Most Great Covenant. In this all-embracing Pact the limits
and frontiers of each and every nation should be clearly fixed,
the principles underlying the relations of governments towards
one another definitely laid down, and all international agreements
and obligations ascertained. In like manner, the size of the armaments
of every government should be strictly limited, for if the preparations
for war and the military forces of any nation should be allowed
to increase, they will arouse the suspicion of others. The fundamental
principle underlying this solemn Pact should be so fixed that
if any government later violate any one of its provisions, all
the governments on earth should arise to reduce it to utter submission,
nay the human race as a whole should resolve, with every power
at its disposal, to destroy that government. Should this greatest
of all remedies be applied to the sick body of the world, it will
assuredly recover from its ills and will remain eternally safe
and secure."
`Abdu'l-Bahá, The Secret of Divine Civilization.
Trans. Marzieh Gail. (Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing
Trust. 1957.) pp. 64-65.
16 According to a recent article in The New York Times,
charitable giving in the United States in 1994 rose by 3.6 percent
to $130 billion.
Karen W. Arenson, "Charitable Giving Rose 3.6% in 1994,
Philanthropy Trust Says," The New York Times, Thursday,
25 May 1995, sec. A, p.22.
17 "Regarding the whole question of an International Language....
We, as Bahá'ís, are very anxious to see a universal
auxiliary tongue adopted as soon as possible; we are not the protagonists
of any one language to fill this post. If the governments of the
world agree on an existing language, or a constructed, new tongue,
to be used internationally, we would heartily support it because
we desire to see this step in the unification of the human race
take place as soon as possible."
Shoghi Effendi, Directives of the Guardian. (Wilmette,
Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust.) p. 39.
In making this proposal, we wish to call attention to the term
"auxiliary." The Bahá'í teachings value
and promote cultural diversity, not uniformity. At this point
in history, then, we do not envision imposing a single language
worldwide. Rather, what we imagine is that peoples and nations
would keep their own local and national languages -- while at
the same time be encouraged to learn a universal language. Certainly
such a universal language should ultimately be taught, as a required
subject, in all of the world's schools. But this should in no
way detract from legitimate expressions of national and local
linguistic and cultural diversity.
18 "The day is approaching when all the peoples of the world
will have adopted one universal language and one common script,"
wrote Bahá'u'lláh in the late-1800s. "When
this is achieved, to whatsoever city a man may journey, it shall
be as if he were entering his own home."
Shoghi Effendi, trans., Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá'u'lláh.
(Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust. 1983.)
p. 250.
19 In a "special contribution" to the 1994 Human Development
Report, James Tobin, winner of the 1981 Nobel Prize for Economics,
observes that "a permanent single currency" would eliminate
much if not all of the turbulence currently associated with the
huge amount of currency speculation on world markets today. Observing
that such a single world currency is probably a long way off,
he proposes as an interim measure an "international uniform
tax" on spot transactions in foreign exchange.
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Human Development
Report 1994. A Tax on International Currency Transactions.
(New York: Oxford University Press.) p. 70.
20 The principle of collective security was put forth by Bahá'u'lláh
over a century ago in letters to the kings and rulers of the world:
"Be united, O kings of the earth, for thereby will the tempest
of discord be stilled amongst you, and your peoples find rest,
if ye be of them that comprehend. Should anyone among you take
up arms against another, rise ye all against him, for this is
naught but manifest justice."
Shoghi Effendi, trans. Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá'u'lláh.
(Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust. 1976.)
p. 254.
21 The Report of the Independent Working Group on the Future
of the United Nations. The United Nations in its Second Half-Century.
(Yale University Press Service, 1995.) p. 16.
22 Glenview Foundation, The Stassen Draft Charter for a
New United Nations to Emerge from the Original, to Serve World
Peace and Progress for the Next Forty Years. (Philadelphia:
Glenview Foundation. 1985.)
Grenville Clark and Louis B. Sohn, World Peace Through World
Law. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966.)
Keith Hindell, "Reform of the United Nations?" in
The World Today: Journal of the Royal Institute of International
Affairs. (United Kingdom, Feb. 1992.) Vol. 48, No. 2. pp.
30-33.
John Logue, "New World Order Means Reformed UN,"
World Federalist News, July 1992.
Benjamin B. Ferencz and Ken Keyes Jr., Planethood: The Key
to Your Future. (Coos Bay, Oregon: Love Line Books. 1991.)
Boutros-Ghali, Boutros. 1992. An Agenda for Peace: Peace-making
and Peace-Keeping. Report of the Secretary-General Pursuant
to the Statement Adopted by the Summit Meeting of the Security
Council, January 31, New York: United Nations.
23 This is not to say that steps to ban such weapons should await
the full development and deployment of such a Force. We wholeheartedly
support current steps to renew the Treaty on the Nonproliferation
of Nuclear Weapons and to firmly establish a comprehensive test
ban, as well as any further efforts to eliminate nuclear, chemical
and/or biological weapons. Likewise, stronger efforts must be
made to restrict and control conventional weapons such as land
mines, which kill indiscriminately.
24 Mahbub ul Haq, 1994. Senior Advisor to UNDP Administrator.
Team Leader of the Group that prepares the UNDP annual Human Development
Reports which have brought, in recent years, fresh insights to
development theory and practice, including a new concept on human
security.
25 Erskine Childers, ed. Challenges to the United Nations:
Building a Safer World. (New York: St. Martin's Press. 1994.)
pp. 21-25.
26 John Huddleston, The Search for a Just Society.
(Kidlington, Oxford: George Ronald. 1989.)
27 About 75 years ago `Abdu'l-Bahá offered the following
suggestions for a future world court: "the national assemblies
of each country and nation -- that is to say parliaments -- should
elect two or three persons who are the choicest of that nation,
and are well informed concerning international laws and the relations
between governments and aware of the essential needs of the world
of humanity in this day. The number of these representatives should
be in proportion to the number of inhabitants of that country.
The election of these souls who are chosen by the national assembly,
that is, the parliament, must be confirmed by the upper house,
the congress and the cabinet and also by the president or monarch
so these persons may be the elected ones of all the nation and
the government. The Supreme Tribunal will be composed of these
people, and all mankind will thus have a share therein, for every
one of these delegates is fully representative of his nation.
When the Supreme Tribunal gives a ruling on any international
question, either unanimously or by majority rule, there will no
longer be any pretext for the plaintiff or ground of objection
for the defendant. In case any of the governments or nations,
in the execution of the irrefutable decision of the Supreme Tribunal,
be negligent or dilatory, the rest of the nations will rise up
against it, because all the governments and nations of the world
are the supporters of this Supreme Tribunal. Consider what a firm
foundation this is! But by a limited and restricted League the
purpose will not be realized as it ought and should."
Selections from the Writings of `Abdu'l-Bahá.
Compiled by the Research Department of the Universal House of
Justice. Translated by a Committee at the Bahá'í
World Centre and by Marzieh Gail. (Great Britain: W & J Mackay
Ltd. 1978.) pp. 306-307.
28 At the present time, for example, the Court's jurisdiction
is limited to 1) cases which the parties refer to it jointly by
special agreement, 2) matters concerning a treaty or convention
in force which provides for reference to the Court, and 3) specified
classes of legal disputes between States for which they have recognized
the jurisdiction of the Court as compulsory.
Europa World Year Book 1994. Vol. I. International Court
of Justice. p. 22.
29 Shoghi Effendi, trans. Gleanings from the Writings of
Bahá'u'lláh. (Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust. 1983.) p. 260.
"The primary most urgent requirement is the promotion of
education. It is inconceivable that any nation should achieve
prosperity and success unless this paramount, this fundamental
concern is carried forward. The principal reason for the decline
and fall of peoples is ignorance. Today the mass of the people
are uninformed even as to ordinary affairs, how much less do they
grasp the core of the important problems and complex needs of
the time."
`Abdu'l-Bahá. The Secret of Divine Civilization.
Trans. Marzieh Gail. (Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing
Trust. 1957.) p. 109.
"This same difference is noticeable among animals; some have
been domesticated, educated, others left wild. The proof is clear
that the world of nature is imperfect, the world of education
perfect. That is to say, man is rescued from the exigencies of
nature by training and culture; consequently, education is necessary,
obligatory. But education is of various kinds. There is a training
and development of the physical body which ensures strength and
growth. There is intellectual education or mental training for
which schools and colleges are founded. The third kind of education
is that of the spirit. Through the breaths of the Holy Spirit
man is uplifted into the world of moralities and illumined by
the lights of divine bestowals. The moral world is only attained
through the effulgence of the Sun of Reality and the quickening
life of the divine spirit."
`Abdu'l-Bahá, in a Talk delivered in St. Paul on 20
September 1912. The Promulgation of Universal Peace. p. 329-330.
30 Governments and their partners must bear in mind that material
equality is neither achievable nor desirable. Absolute equality
is a chimera. At various points along the way, there will nevertheless
be the necessity for the redistribution of some of the world's
wealth. For, indeed, it is becoming increasingly obvious that
unbridled capitalism does not provide the answer either. Some
regulation and redistribution is necessary to promote material
justice. In this regard, a tax on income is, in principle, one
of the fairest and most equitable means. There must also be a
role for the voluntary sharing of wealth -- both at an individual
and an institutional level. Equal opportunities for economic advancement
and progress, however, must be woven into the very fabric of the
new order. Ultimately, the most important regulation on any economic
system is the moral regulation that begins in the hearts and minds
of people.
31 The establishment of the Global Environment Facility (GEF)
is a commendable first step in the right direction and may be
useful in the long run, as one of the tools that could be the
basis for funding Agenda 21, if its operational scale is enlarged
and its mandate redefined.
32 World Conference on Human Rights. Vienna Declaration and
Programme of Action. 14-25 June 1993. Vienna-Austria.
33 A further elaboration of this concept can be found in The
Prosperity of Humankind, a statement of the Bahá'í
International Community, Office of Public Information, published
in February 1995: "The activity most intimately linked to
the consciousness that distinguishes human nature is the individual's
exploration of reality for himself or herself. The freedom to
investigate the purpose of existence and to develop the endowments
of human nature that make it achievable requires protection. Human
beings must be free to know. That such freedom is often abused
and such abuse grossly encouraged by features of contemporary
society does not detract in any degree from the validity of the
impulse itself."
"It is this distinguishing impulse of human consciousness
that provides the moral imperative for the enunciation of many
of the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration and the ">related
Covenants. Universal education, freedom of movement, access to
information, and the opportunity to participate in political life
are all aspects of its operation that require explicit guarantee
by the international community. The same is true of freedom of
thought and belief, including religious liberty, along with the
right to hold opinions and express these opinions appropriately.
"Since the body of humankind is one and indivisible, each
member of the race is born into the world as a trust of the whole.
This trusteeship constitutes the moral foundation of most of the
other rights -- principally economic and social -- which the instruments
of the United Nations are attempting similarly to define. The
security of the family and the home, the ownership of property,
and the right to privacy are all implied in such a trusteeship.
The obligations on the part of the community extend to the provision
of employment, mental and physical health care, social security,
fair wages, rest and recreation, and a host of other reasonable
expectations on the part of the individual members of society.
"The principle of collective trusteeship creates also the
right of every person to expect that those cultural conditions
essential to his or her identity enjoy the protection of national
and international law. Much like the role played by the gene pool
in the biological life of humankind and its environment, the immense
wealth of cultural diversity achieved over thousands of years
is vital to the social and economic development of a human race
experiencing its collective coming-of-age. It represents a heritage
that must be permitted to bear its fruit in a global civilization.
On the one hand, cultural expressions need to be protected from
suffocation by the materialistic influences currently holding
sway. On the other, cultures must be enabled to interact with
one another in ever-changing patterns of civilization, free of
manipulation for partisan political ends."
Bahá'í International Community, Office of Public
Information, The Prosperity of Humankind. (Haifa: Bahá'í
World Centre. 1995.)
34 Ultimately, respect for human rights must begin in the family:
"Compare the nations of the world to the members of a family.
A family is a nation in miniature. Simply enlarge the circle of
the household, and you have the nation. Enlarge the circle of
nations, and you have all humanity. The conditions surrounding
the family surround the nation. The happenings in the family are
the happenings in the life of the nation. Would it add to the
progress and advancement of a family if dissensions should arise
among its members, all fighting, pillaging each other, jealous
and revengeful of injury, seeking selfish advantage? Nay, this
would be the cause of the effacement of progress and advancement.
So it is in the great family of nations, for nations are but an
aggregate of families. Therefore, as strife and dissension destroy
a family and prevent its progress, so nations are destroyed and
advancement hindered."
`Abdu'l-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace:
Talks Delivered by `Abdu'l-Bahá during His Visit to the
United States and Canada in 1912. Comp. Howard MacNutt. (Wilmette,
Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust. 1982.) p. 157.
35 "When all mankind shall receive the same opportunity
of education and the equality of men and women be realized, the
foundations of war will be utterly destroyed. Without equality
this will be impossible because all differences and distinction
are conducive to discord and strife. Equality between men and
women is conducive to the abolition of warfare for the reason
that women will never be willing to sanction it. Mothers will
not give their sons as sacrifices upon the battlefield after twenty
years of anxiety and loving devotion in rearing them from infancy,
no matter what cause they are called upon to defend. There is
no doubt that when women obtain equality of rights, war will entirely
cease among mankind."
`Abdu'l-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace.
Comp. Howard MacNutt. (Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing
Trust. 1982.) pp. 174-175.
36 "Let it be known once more that until woman and man recognize
and realize equality, social and political progress here or anywhere
will not be possible. For the world of humanity consists of two
parts or members: one is woman; the other is man. Until these
two members are equal in strength, the oneness of humanity cannot
be established, and the happiness and felicity of mankind will
not be a reality. God willing, this is to be so."From a
Talk by `Abdu'l-Bahá to Federation of Women's Clubs, Chicago,
Illinois on 2 May 1912.
`Abdu'l-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace.
(Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust. 1982.)
p. 77.
37 "The world in the past has been ruled by force, and man
has dominated over woman by reason of his more forceful and aggressive
qualities both of body and mind. But the balance is already shifting
-- force is losing its weight and mental alertness, intuition,
and the spiritual qualities of love and service, in which woman
is strong, are gaining ascendancy. Hence the new age will be an
age less masculine, and more permeated with the feminine ideals
-- or, to speak more exactly, will be an age in which the masculine
and feminine elements of civilization will be more evenly balanced."
`Abdu'l-Bahá, quoted in John E. Esslemont, Bahá'u'lláh
and the New Era, p. 156., 4th rev. ed., 1976, Wilmette: Bahá'í
Books, published by Pyramid Publications for Bahá'í
Publishing Trust.
38 This principle, that women and girls should receive priority
over men and boys in access to education, has been a long-standing
principle in the Bahá'í teachings. Speaking in 1912,
`Abdu'l-Bahá said: "In proclaiming the oneness of
mankind [Bahá'u'lláh] taught that men and women
are equal in the sight of God and that there is no distinction
to be made between them. The only difference between them now
is due to lack of education and training. If woman is given equal
opportunity of education, distinction and estimate of inferiority
will disappear.... Furthermore, the education of women is of greater
importance than the education of men, for they are the mothers
of the race, and mothers rear the children. The first teachers
of children are the mothers. Therefore, they must be capably trained
in order to educate both sons and daughters. There are many provisions
in the words of Bahá'u'lláh in regard to this."
"He promulgated the adoption of the same course of education
for man and woman. Daughters and sons must follow the same curriculum
of study, thereby promoting unity of the sexes."
`Abdu'l-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace.
Comp. Howard MacNutt. (Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing
Trust. 1982.) pp. 174-175.
39 Lawrence H. Summers, Vice President & Chief Economist
for the World Bank, Investing in All the People. 1992.
Also, USAID. 1989. Technical Reports in Gender and Development.
Making the Case for the Gender Variable: Women and the Wealth
and Well-being of Nations. Office of Women in Development.
40 Selections from the Writings of `Abdu'l-Bahá.
Compiled by the Research Department of the Universal House of
Justice. Translated by a Committee at the Bahá'í
World Centre and by Marzieh Gail. (Great Britain: W & J. Mackay
Ltd. 1978.) p. 302.
41 The Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies for the Advancement
of Women. As adopted by the World Conference to Review
and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for
Women: Equality, Development and Peace, Nairobi, Kenya, 15-26
July 1985.
42 Selections from the Writings of `Abdu'l-Bahá.
Compiled by the Research Department of the Universal House of
Justice. Translated by a Committee at the Bahá'í
World Centre and by Marzieh Gail. (Great Britain: W & J. Mackay
Ltd. 1978.) p. 303.
43 The interfaith declaration entitled "Towards a Global
Ethic," which was produced by an assembly of religious and
spiritual leaders from virtually every major world religion and
spiritual movement at the 1993 Parliament of the World's Religions
in Chicago, suggests that it is indeed possible for the world's
religions to find much common ground in this regard. The declaration
states: "We affirm that a common set of core values is found
in the teachings of the religions, and that these form the basis
of a global ethic... There already exist ancient guidelines for
human behavior which are found in the teachings of the religions
of the world and which are the condition for a sustainable world
order."
44 The Golden Rule, the teaching that we should treat others
as we ourselves would wish to be treated, is an ethic variously
repeated in all the great religions:
Buddhism: "Hurt not others in ways that you yourself
would find hurtful." Udana-Varqa, 5:18.
Zoroastrianism: "That nature only is good when it
shall not do unto another whatever is not good for its own self."
Dadistan-i Dinik, 94:5.
Judaism: "What is hateful to you, do not to your fellow
men. That is the entire Law, all the rest is commentary."
The Talmud, Shabbat, 31a.
Hinduism: "This is the sum of all true righteousness:
deal with others as thou wouldst thyself be dealt by. Do nothing
to thy neighbour which thou wouldst not have him do to thee after."
The Mahabharata.
Christianity: "As ye would that men should do to you,
do ye also to them likewise." Luke 6:31.
Islam: "No one of you is a believer until he desires
for his brother that which he desires for himself." Sunnah.
Taoism: The good man "ought to pity the malignant
tendencies of others; to regard their gains as if they were his
own, and their losses in the same way." The Thai-Shang.
Confucianism: "Surely it is the maxim of loving-kindness:
Do not unto others that you would not have them do unto you."
Analects, XV, 23
Bahá'í Faith: "He should not wish for
others that which he doth not wish for himself, nor promise that
which he doth not fulfill." Gleanings.
45 Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahá'u'lláh.
(Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í Publishing Trust. 1938.)
p. 202.
46 Bahá'u'lláh. The Proclamation of Bahá'u'lláh.
(Haifa: Bahá'í World Centre. 1978.) p. 113.
47 Bahá'u'lláh, Tablets of Bahá'u'lláh.
Compiled by the Research Department of the Universal House of
Justice. Translated by Habib Taherzadeh with the assistance of
a Committee at the Bahá'í World Centre. (Haifa:
Bahá'í World Centre. 1982.) p. 167.
48 The Commission on Global Governance writes: "As the world
faces the need for enlightened responses to the challenges that
arise on the eve of the new century, we are concerned at the lack
of leadership over a wide spectrum of human affairs. At national,
regional, and international levels, within communities and in
international organizations, in governments and in non-governmental
bodies, the world needs credible and sustained leadership.
"It needs leadership that is proactive, not simply reactive,
that is inspired, not simply functional, that looks to the longer
term and future generations for whom the present is held in trust.
It needs leaders made strong by vision, sustained by ethics, and
revealed by political courage that looks beyond the next election."
"This cannot be leadership confined within domestic walls.
It must reach beyond country, race, religion, culture, language,
life-style. It must embrace a wider human constituency, be infused
with a sense of caring for others, a sense of responsibility to
the global neighborhood."
Report of the Commission on Global Governance, Our Global
Neighborhood. (New York: Oxford University Press. 1995.) p.353.
49 Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá'u'lláh.
Translated by Shoghi Effendi. (Wilmette, Ill.: Bahá'í
Publishing Trust. 1976.) p. 7.
