Source: Bahá'í Library Online (bahai-library.com), curated by Jonah Winters. Used by permission of the curator. Original citation: (unknown), Australian Baha'i Studies: Vol. 1:2, bahai-library.com.
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AUSTRALIAN BAHÁ’Í STUDIES
HUMAN RIGHTS: REFLECTIONS FROM A BAHÁ’Í

AUSTRALIAN
BAHÁ’Í STUDIES
VIEWPOINT
Michael Curtotti

PROMOTING A CULTURE OF HUMAN RIGHTS: THE
UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
AND THE BAHÁ’Í COMMUNITY IN THE ISLAMIC
REPUBLIC OF IRAN
Australian Bahá’í Studies promotes analysis of Ladan Rahmani
issues relevant to the Australian Bahá’í community.
It encourages exploration of the history, teachings, DEVELOPING THE SECRETARIAT OF A LOCAL SPIRITUAL
ASSEMBLY
and philosophy of the Bahá’í Faith in systematic, Paul Friedman
reflective, or artistic ways. It thus offers itself a
medium of communication for anyone who is MATURATION AND LEARNING IN THE BAHÁ’Í
interested in the development of the Australian COMMUNITY
David Levick
Bahá’í community.
In view of the Bahá’í vision of scholarship as an TEACHING THE FAITH IN AUSTRALIA 1963-1975:
activity accessible to all, rather than one limited to a PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS
small academic community, Australian Bahá’í Hedi Moani
Studies seeks input from people of diverse
BAHÁ’Í SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT:
backgrounds and viewpoints, in a way that assists
PARTICIPATING IN THE UNFOLDMENT OF WORLD
in redefining what is meant by scholarly practice. CIVILISATION
The readers of the journal have an interest in Payam Pakravan
teaching the Bahá’í Faith, serving its administrative
organs, and participating in its community life. It is DRUG ABUSE PREVENTION THE SPIRITUAL DIMENSION
Vahid Payman
also of interest to those studying the model that the
Bahá’í community offers for the resolution of MEMORIALS OF THE FAITHFUL
contemporary problems. Ron Price

Volume 1 Number 2 1999
Volume 1, No. 2, 1999

ISSN 1442-2875
AUSTRALIAN
BAHÁ’Í STUDIES
Editors:
Graham Hassall & Natalie Mobini-Kesheh

Association for Bahá’í Studies Australia - Board:
Ratnam Alagiah, Colin Dibdin, Graham Hassall, Sandra
Langshaw, Natalie Mobini-Kesheh, Sima Hashemi, Vahid
Payman

Australian Bahá’í Studies is a publication of the Association
for Bahá’í Studies Australia. The views expressed in this
Journal are those of the authors and do not necessarily
reflect the opinions of the Editors or the Board of the
Association.

Note to Contributors
Australian Bahá’í Studies is open to submissions on all
subjects. But it particularly seeks articles of practical
relevance to the Australian Bahá’í community, and which
might not be readily published elsewhere. These may
include analyses of specific teaching methods, projects,
and outcomes; reports on issues of management,
leadership, and administration; application of the Bahá’í
Teachings to issues of concern in Australian society;
community histories; biographies; literary essays; and
essays on Baha’i theology and religious studies.
Contributions may be in the form of essays, review
articles, case studies, and reports on research in progress.
All submissions are subject to editorial review and should
be submitted in IBM-compatible electronic form or on
paper, in duplicate, to:

The Editors
Australian Bahá’í Studies
173 Mona Vale Rd,
Ingleside NSW 2101
email: abs@bahai.org.au
www.bahai.org.au/abs

Layout & cover design: Stephen Beale

ISSN 1442-2875

Contents

Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í
viewpoint .................................................... 3
Michael Curtotti

Promoting a Culture of Human Rights: The
United Nations Commission on Human
Rights and the Bahá’í community in the
Islamic Republic of Iran ............................. 23
Ladan Rahmani

Developing the Secretariat of a Local
Spiritual Assembly .................................... 40
Paul Friedman

Maturation and Learning in the Bahá’í
Community ............................................... 55
David Levick

Teaching the Faith in Australia 1963-1975:
Personal Recollections ..............................66
Hedi Moani

Bahá’í social and economic development:
Participating in the unfoldment of world
civilisation ................................................. 84
Payam Pakravan

Drug Abuse Prevention the Spiritual
Dimension ................................................ 97
Vahid Payman

Memorials of the Faithful ....................... 102
Ron Price
2 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Human rights: reflections
from a Bahá’í viewpoint1
Michael Curtotti

Introduction
From its inception in Iran in 1844, the Bahá’í Faith has developed into a
global religion in both its geographical spread and in the diversity of the
composition of its community. As of May 1995 the Bahá’í community worldwide numbered over five million. A total of 174 National Spiritual Assemblies had been established in separate countries and territories, each representing a well established Bahá’í community.2 Today just under 90% of local
Bahá’í communities are found in the developing world, approximately 10%
in western countries, and less than 2% in the original Islamic heartlands where
the Bahá’í Faith emerged3 (although Bahá’ís in Iran constitute 6% of Bahá’ís
worldwide]
Born in modern times, the Bahá’í Faith addresses human rights in the
language of modernity. As well, however, we find traditional religious terminology employed through themes such as justice and care of the dispossessed
with which religions have characteristically dealt with issues now falling
within the human rights framework. In the earliest writings of Bahá’u’lláh,
the prophet-founder of the Bahá’í Faith, we find rights themes addressed in
terms of the spiritual journey of the soul. From this seed, references to rights
evolve into a well-defined set of principles which form the foundation of the
Bahá’í teachings, many of which have subsequently been championed by the
modern human rights movement, and some of which suggest future human
rights agendas.
The Bahá’í community has long undertaken activities which promote

1 This paper was first presented at a the conference “Human Rights, Faith and Culture”, held by ABS
Australia to Commemorate the 50th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Canberra, 7-8 November 1998.
2 Statistics from The Bahá’í World 1995-1996, Haifa: World Centre Publications, 1996. Local communities sufficiently developed to possess Local Spiritual Assemblies numbered 17,148 with the following
geographical spread: Africa: 4,828, Americas 4,515, Asia 5,954, Australasia 901, Europe 950.
3 Peter Smith, The Bábí and Bahá’í Religions: From Messianic Shi’ism to a World Religion, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987.
4 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

human rights, particularly in the fields such as the abolition of racial and
other prejudices and the advocacy of the equality of men and women. Since
the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights the community
has also advocated human rights through its contribution as an non-government organisation represented at the United Nations, and in the work of national communities around the world.
A significantly increased focus on human rights issues since 1994 has
resulted in the community developing a better understanding of the scriptural
basis of the Bahá’í commitment to human rights, and to begin to develop
methodologies for the effective advocacy of rights which are consistent with
the community’s non-political character and its emphasis on building unity
between people. The focus on rights also raises the question of how to deal
maturely with areas where the standards of the Bahá’í Faith and particular
aspects of human rights may seem to be in tension.

Bahá’í Scripture and Human Rights Principles

Bahá’u’lláh’s Teachings
In a 40 year period from 1852-1892 Bahá’u’lláh delivered a complex body
of religious teachings directed to his followers, to enquirers, to leaders of
society and to humanity in general. Although the following involves some
generalisation, there are definite phases in those teachings which provide
useful markers for highlighting the evolutionary way in which human rights
are given expression in those teachings.
During the first phase, his Baghdád teachings from 1852 to 1863,
Bahá’u’lláh’s writings were largely mystical and theological in character,
focusing on the relationship between man and God and on the nature of religion. Observance of human rights is regarded as an element of the soul’s
search for God. The second phase, from 1863 to 1872, during which
Bahá’u’lláh was successively exiled to Constantinople, Adrianople and finally the prison city of ‘Akká in Palestine, featured a key series of letters to
various kings and rulers. Here observance of human rights is a divine obligation imposed on the rulers of society. The third phase is represented by the
writing in 1873 of the Kitáb-i-Aqdas, the Bahá’í book of sacred law, in which
human rights are foundational elements of the ordering of the ‘divine’ society. The fourth and final stage is expressed in a series of letters written to
various followers in which Bahá’u’lláh provides his vision of an enlightened
society, outlining a series of teachings designed to addressing the healing of
social ills. As aspirations for the future, human rights are at the core of the
healing of society’s ills and the redemption of humanity
Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í viewpoint 5

‘Abdu’l-Bahá and the Bahá’í Principles
The second major element of the Bahá’í sacred corpus are the teachings
of Bahá’u’lláh’s son, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, who was appointed by Bahá’u’lláh, in
the Kitáb-i-Aqdas, as the interpreter of his teachings and as his successor as
leader of the nascent Bahá’í community after his own death. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá,
from nine years of age, shared his father’s life of exile and imprisonment and
indeed was not finally released from more or less vigorous forms of state
control and detention until the Young Turk revolution in 1908. Again, although an over generalisation, it may be said of him that he played a role
similar to that of St Paul in Christianity: in conveying the teachings he had
received from its cultural homeland to a broader cultural setting. As Paul
expressed Christianity to the gentiles, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá expressed the Bahá’í
Faith to the west, and through the west, to modernity. In 1911-1913 ‘Abdu’l-
Bahá undertook extensive travels and public engagements in North America
and Europe conveying the teachings of his father. His talks are collected in a
number of works which have become core elements of Bahá’í scripture.4
In these travels, and in his written works, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá focused on conveying a crystallisation of the teachings of his father which he would variously describe as “the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh” or the “principles of the
Bahá’í Faith”.5 Later Shoghi Effendi described these principles as (together
with the Kitáb-i-Aqdas) “the bedrock” of the Bahá’í teachings and “the essential elements of that Divine polity which [‘Abdu’l-Bahá] proclaimed to
the leaders of public thought as well as to the masses at large”.6
The following is a typical listing of the principles which ‘Abdu’l-Bahá
would describe:
• Independent investigation of truth
• The oneness of humanity
• The basic unity of religion
• The abolition of all prejudice, whether of race, sex, nationality, class or
creed
• The equality of men and women
• Universal compulsory education
• The abolition of extremes of wealth and poverty
• The importance of justice as a ruling principle of society
• The establishment of international peace and world unity
• The adoption of a universal language
• The harmony of science and religion7

4 Promulgation of Universal Peace (talks delivered in Canada and the United States), Paris Talks, and
‘Abdu’l-Bahá in London.
5 e.g. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Promulgation of Universal Peace, p. 63 “The third teaching or principle of Bahá’u’lláh
is ...” 107, 127, 169 - in answer to a questions about tenets of faith.
6 Shoghi Effendi, God Passes By, Wilmette: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1944, p. 281-282.
7 This particular listing is derived from Shoghi Effendi’s presentation of these principles in God Passes
By, pp. 281-282.
6 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

A number of these are directly concerned with human rights or carry rights
implications which were expressed by Bahá’u’lláh, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, and subsequently in the practice of the Bahá’í community. Their expression in the
Universal Declaration and subsequent human rights declarations and treaties
is striking.
For instance the abolition of racial prejudice is reflected in article 2 of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its realisation pursued through
instruments such as the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. Similarly the equality of men and women is a principle championed by
the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. The
right to education is given expression in article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and half at least of the concept of the ‘abolition of
extremes of wealth and poverty’ is found in article 25 of the Declaration.
The ‘independent investigation of the truth’ is expressed as a ‘duty’ of every
individual - to know and believe of their own knowledge and not through that
of others. It implies with it a duty on others not to interfere with this independent investigation - the sacred task of each soul. The promotion of peace
is of course intimately connected with the realisation of human rights and the
Bahá’í insistence on the fundamental importance of the achievement of peace
has been characteristic of its many decades of advocacy.8
Replete with human rights resonance is however the concept of the oneness of humanity, which in its expression by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá and Bahá’u’lláh
himself, symbolises complex ideas concerning the nature of the human person and society. This principle is central to the character of the Bahá’í teachings being regarded as the “pivot” around which the Bahá’í teachings are
built.9
The oneness of humanity expresses the common spiritual origin - and
thus equality - of all human beings:

“Know ye not why We created you all from the same dust? That no
one should exalt himself over the other”10

It symbolises the “value” of the human person, in language which parallels the concept of human dignity in article 1 of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights.

“Noble have I created Thee, yet thou hast abased thyself. Rise then to
that for which thou wast created.”11

8 An instance is found in The Promise of World Peace, a document released by the Universal House of
Justice for the International Year of Peace.
9 Shoghi Effendi God Passes By, p. 217.
10 Bahá’u’lláh, Hidden Words (Arabic), number 68.
11 Bahá’u’lláh, Hidden Words (Arabic), number 22.
Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í viewpoint 7

It expresses the basic moral paradigm of Bahá’u’lláh’s teaching, emphasising a vision of service to humanity as the highest moral order.

Do not busy yourselves in your own concerns; let your thoughts be
fixed upon that which will rehabilitate the fortunes of mankind and sanctify the hearts and souls of men.12

It expresses the close bonds uniting all human beings together:

“Ye are the fruits of one tree and the leaves of one branch. Deal ye
one with another with the utmost love and harmony, with friendliness and
fellowship ... So powerful is the light of unity that it can illuminate the
whole earth ... Exert yourselves that ye may attain this transcendent and
most sublime station, the station that can ensure the protection and security of all mankind. This goal excelleth every other goal, and this aspiration is the monarch of all aspirations. So long, however, as the thick
clouds of oppression, which obscure the day star of justice, remain
undispelled, it would be difficult for the glory of this station to be unveiled to men’s eyes ...”13

Bahá’u’lláh’s teaching that “The earth is but one country, and mankind
its citizens” expresses yet another aspect. It concisely conveys not only the
idea of oneness but also the idea of equality of all humans before one global
law.
‘Abdu’l-Bahá links the principle of oneness of humanity to the obligation
to observe justice to towards our fellow human beings and to respect rather
than denigrate any individual. Accordingly a division of humanity into ‘believers’ and ‘unbelievers’, with the social implications that division has carries, is profoundly rejected. The believers are called on to associate with all
humanity and to treat all with equality.14
The foundational philosophies of the Universal Declaration - of dignity,
equality, fraternity and non-discrimination, find expression in the idea of the
oneness of humanity and the other core Bahá’í principles outlined above.
The strength of the resonance of the Bahá’í principles with human rights
is striking. It is not surprising then to find that ‘Abdu’l-Bahá sometimes
explicitly included human rights among the basic principles of Bahá’u’lláh.
Thus in a talk delivered in Philadelphia on 9 June 1912 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá stated:

“Bahá’u’lláh taught that an equal standard of human rights must be
recognised and adopted. In the estimation of God all men are equal;
12 “Lawh-i-Dunyá”, Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, pp. 212-213.
13 Bahá’u’lláh, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 288.
14 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Promulgation of Universal Peace, p. 63
8 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

there is no distinction or preferment of any soul in his justice and equity”.15

The adoption of a document such as the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights is thus at the level of central principle from a Bahá’í point of view, and
its adoption represents a realisation of a basic aspiration of the Bahá’í Faith.
The adoption of the Universal Declaration indeed in the light of this statement, can be seen from a Bahá’í viewpoint as carrying prophetic fulfilment.
As we explore the body of teachings on which the Bahá’í principles are
based we see a deeper stream of reference to human rights expressed in traditional religious terminology - terminology drawn not from modern western
political philosophy - rather from the traditions of the great prophetic traditions of the Middle East. The comprehensiveness of this reference to human
rights underlines the centrality of rights in the Bahá’í Faith. The traditional
language expressing rights concepts signals what can be deduced from a study
of Judaism, Christianity, Islam and indeed the other great faiths: that these
systems of thought have contributed directly to the assumptions and ways of
thought from which human rights and instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights have emerged.

The journey of the soul (1852-1863)
As noted above, the earliest references to rights concepts in Bahá’í scripture are found in Bahá’u’lláh’s mystical and theological writings. From a
Bahá’í point of view rights are a far richer concept that mere legal prohibitions limiting the power of those governing society. They are enjoined on the
believer, not only because they represent justice, but because the believer
must express them to be able themselves to attain to God. The following
passage from the Kitáb-i-Iqán, in which Bahá’u’lláh discusses the religious
path, is an example of this:

When a true seeker determines to take the step of search in the path
leading to the knowledge of the Ancient of Days he must ... never exalt
himself above anyone ... That seeker should regard backbiting as grievous error ... He should succour the dispossessed, and never withhold his
favour from the destitute. He should show kindness to animals, how much
more to his fellow man, to him who is endowed with the power of utterance ... He should not wish for others that which he doth not wish for
himself ... These are among the attributes ... of the spiritually minded.16

In the previous section we have reviewed a number of quotations from the

15 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Promulgation of Universal Peace, p. 182.
16 Ibid., p. 264 (quoting from the Kitáb-i-Iqán).
Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í viewpoint 9

Hidden Words which come from this period and which underline equality in
spiritual terms. In the same works we find a range of other rights concepts
such as adherence to justice, care for the poor and condemnation of injustice,
in each case expressed in mystical language. These kind of references, as
Bahá’u’lláh himself states, crystallise the teachings ‘revealed unto the prophets
of old’. To draw on one example the following passage from the prophet
Isaiah talks of the kind of worship that is acceptable to God:

“The multitudes of your sacrifices - what are they to me?” says the
Lord. “I have more than enough of burnt offerings, of rams and the fat of
fattened animals ... Stop bringing meaningless offerings! Your incense is
detestable to me ... I cannot bear your evil assemblies. Your New Moon
festivals and your appointed feasts my soul hates. They have become a
burden to me ... even if you offer many prayers I will not listen ... Your
hands are full of blood; wash and make yourselves clean. Take your evil
deeds out of my sight! Stop doing wrong, learn to do right! Seek justice,
rebuke the oppressor. Defend the cause of the fatherless, plead the case of
the widow”.

Sources such as this, which could be multiplied from a variety of religions, underline the universality and antiquity of philosophies which underline the modern human rights movement.

The duties of the rulers of society (1863 - 1873)
The next phase of Bahá’u’lláh’s writings is represented by letters to various kings and rulers of society in which he proclaims his divine mission.
These letters include an active advocacy of rights expressed in terms of divinely imposed duties binding on the rulers of society. It is a theme that
continues in subsequent periods of his teachings. Thus we find the core of
civil and political rights: a condemnation of oppression and praise of just
governance and the securing of rights.

God hath committed into your hands the reins of the government of
the people, that ye may rule with justice over them, safeguard the rights
of the down-trodden and punish the wrong-doers.17

We also find the basic outlines of the concepts of economic rights in repeated calls for economic justice. Thus Bahá’u’lláh calls on the Ottoman
sultan to address the extremes of wealth and poverty under his rule:

Deal with ... undeviating justice so that none among [your subjects]
17 Bahá’u’lláh, The Proclamation of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 11.
10 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

may either suffer want or be pampered with luxuries. This is but manifest
justice ... for this is what we observed when we entered the City [Constantinople]. We found among its inhabitants some who were possessed
of an affluent fortune and lived in the midst of excess riches, while others
were in dire want and abject poverty. This ill beseemeth thy sovereignty,
and is unworthy of thy rank.18

In addition to these two major themes we find a number of specific rights
references addressed to rulers of society. Religious discrimination is condemned in a reference to the persecution of the Jewish community by two
governments.19 In an allusion to the suffering of the Bahá’í community,
Bahá’u’lláh outlines the kinds of abuses of governmental power that are impermissible and which should be addressed by the world’s leaders, including
violation of life, property, and reputation. He emphasises the duty of kings
(in modern terminology, governments) to prevent oppression.20 The role of
the will of the people in the process of governance is alluded to in an early
letter to Queen Victoria: “We have heard that thou has entrusted the reins of
counsel into the hands of the representatives of the people. Thou, indeed,
hast done well”.21 To these representatives he emphasises that they should
regard themselves as “the representatives of all that dwell on earth”,22 a concept which emphatically suggests the duty to advance the rights of all people:

O ye the elected representatives of the people in every land! Take ye
counsel together, and let your concern be only for that which profiteth
mankind, and bettereth the condition thereof.23

A third major theme which dominates Bahá’u’lláh’s message to the rulers
is his encouragement for them to establish peace in the world. While examination of this theme is beyond the scope of this paper, it is important to note
that a full appreciation the promotion of peace was central in his writings to
kings and rulers.

The Kitáb-i-Aqdas and human rights
The Kitáb-i-Aqdas, Bahá’u’lláh’s book of sacred law, is the fundamental

18 Bahá’u’lláh, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 235.
19 Bahá’u’lláh, Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 255.
20 “Twenty years have passed, O Kings, during which We have, each day, tasted the agony of a fresh
tribulation ... They that rose up against Us, have put Us to death, have shed Our blood, have plundered
Our property, and violated Our honour. Though aware of most of Our afflictions, ye, nevertheless,
have failed to stay the hand of the aggressor. For is it not your clear duty to restrain the tyranny of the
oppressor, and to deal equitably with your subjects, that your high sense of justice may be fully demonstrated to all mankind.” Bahá’u’lláh, The Proclamation of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 11.
21 Ibid., p. 34.
22 Ibid.
23 Ibid., p. 67.
Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í viewpoint 11

source for the way of life practised by Bahá’ís. The Aqdas provides for prayer,
fasting, religious institutions, places of worship and religious festivals. It
deals with traditional religious subjects - morality, man’s relationship with
God and individual spiritual growth. It is concerned with basic social laws
such as the prohibition of theft and murder It deals with basic matters of
personal status such as marriage, divorce and inheritance. Within this overall
context we find in the Aqdas basic human rights principles - dignity, equality,
fraternity, non-discrimination - and the outlines of the concepts of civil and
political rights and economic, social and cultural rights. In addition there are
a range of provisions bearing directly on human rights principles found in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
The idea of human unity is expressed in the Aqdas in a call to Bahá’ís to
“consort with all religions in the spirit of amity and concord”, with the added
emphasis that “all things proceed from God and unto Him they return”. Here
we find both the idea of the human fraternity and the idea of the equality of
human beings found in article 1 of the Declaration.24 Its basic intent is reinforced in provisions such as the abolition of ritual impurity, a concept whose
discriminatory impact and destructiveness to equality and dignity (particularly for women) requires no elaboration. In the context of this abolition
Bahá’u’lláh again calls on his followers to “consort with the followers of all
religions”.25
Human dignity is expressed in passages which emphasise the sacredness
of the human person - “the human temple”, “temple of man” - and which
encourage behaviour worthy of that dignity.26 The way in which the prohibition of murder is expressed emphasises the sacredness of human life:

let no soul slay another ... What! Would ye kill him whom God hath
quickened, whom He hath endowed with a breath of spirit through a breath
from Him? Grievous then would your trespass be before His throne! Fear
God, and lift not the hand of injustice and oppression to destroy what He
hath Himself raised up.27

From a religious viewpoint the “right to life” set out in article 3 of the
Declaration could not be more strongly stated. The applicability of this prohibition to the agents of government is implicit in the condemnation of the
abuse of power to take life expressed in this passage. The abolition of the
slave trade and the practice of slavery set out in article 4 of the Universal
Declaration is advocated in the Kitáb-i-Aqdas:

24 “God hath, likewise, as a bounty from His presence, abolished the concept of ‘uncleanness’, whereby
divers things and people have been held to be impure.” Bahá’u’lláh, Kitáb-i-Aqdas, para 144.
25 Ibid., para 75.
26 Ibid., para 120 and 154 dealing with intoxicants and mind altering substances.
27 Ibid., para 73.
12 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

It is forbidden to you to trade in slaves, be they men or women. It is
not for him who is a servant to buy another of God’s servants ... Let no
man exalt himself over another: all are but bondslaves before the Lord.28

As well as forbidding both the slave trade and slavery the language emphasises the concept of human equality - including by implication the equality of men and women, an equality explicit in other of Bahá’u’lláh’s writings.
The right to social security found in articles 22 and 25 of the Declaration is
expressed in a variety of provisions of the Aqdas:

All have been enjoined to earn a living, and as for those who are
incapable of doing so, it is incumbent on the Deputies of God and on the
wealthy to make adequate provision for them.29

Other passages confirm the system of charitable contributions for relief
of the poor known as Zakát, which was taught by the Muhammad.30 The
estate of a deceased who leaves no children and no will is to be expended “on
the orphaned and widowed, and on whatsoever will bring benefit to the generality of the people”.31 These passages envision a society providing systems
of social security.
The right to education found in article 26 of the Declaration is expressed
in the Aqdas:

Unto every father hath been enjoined the instruction of his son and
daughter in the art of reading and writing ... He that putteth away that
which is commanded unto him, the Trustees are then to take from him that
which is required for their instruction if he be wealthy and, if not, the
matter devolveth upon the House of Justice. Verily have We made it a
shelter for the poor and needy.32

This passage provides successive mechanisms to ensure that all children
receive an education. Like the passage dealing with slavery, where equality
of men and women is implied, this provision promotes equal gender access
to education.
The principles of protection of privacy and reputation found in article 12
of the Declaration are expressed in the Aqdas: “take heed that ye enter no
house in the absence of its owner, except with permission.” Believers are
forbidden to commit “backbiting or calumny”, a prohibition strongly emphasised in Bahá’u’lláh’s teachings.
28 Ibid., para 72.
29 Ibid., para 147.
30 Ibid., para 146.
31 Ibid., para 21.
32 Ibid., para 49.
Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í viewpoint 13

References in the Aqdas to the kings and rulers of society continue elaboration of the basic elements of civil and political rights, reinforcing statements addressing such rights in greater detail elsewhere. Bahá’u’lláh reminds the Kings that their power is not arbitrary: they are subject to a higher
law and to divine sovereignty.33 This concept reminds us of the non-secular
sources of the concept of the “rule of law”. He is contemptuous of the “throne
of tyranny” in Constantinople, the capital of the Ottoman Empire.34 In a
paragraph specifically addressed to the rulers of America he calls on them to
“Adorn the temple of dominion with the ornament of justice and fear of God”.
He calls on them to “Bind ye the broken with the hands of justice, and crush
the oppressor who flourisheth with the rod of the commandments of your
Lord, the Ordainer, the All-wise.”35 In a reference to his native city of Tihrán
he predict that eventually God will bless its throne “with one who will rule
with justice” and that “erelong, the reins of power” would fall into the hands
of the people.36 In a later work he clarifies the intent of this reference:

Referring to the land of Tá [Tihrán] We have revealed in the Kitáb-i-
Aqdas that which will admonish mankind. They that perpetrate tyranny
in the world have usurped the rights of the peoples and kindreds of the
earth and are sedulously pursuing their selfish inclinations.37

Bahá’u’lláh later expresses support for constitutional monarchy, as it is
“adorned with the light of both kingship and of the consultation of the people”.38
These provisions of the Aqdas establish a broad foundation for human
rights. The significance of this scriptural foundation cannot be overemphasised. Bahá’í support of human rights is not a question of response to current
social trends; it falls rather into the category of fundamental norm of Bahá’í
community life. Advocacy of human rights is one aspect of aspiring and
doing justice to the way of life inculcated in the Bahá’í teachings.

An enlightened world society
The final phase of Bahá’u’lláh’s writings was embodied in a series of
major letters to the faithful and others which set out his vision of an enlightened world society. Here again we find the stream of human rights thought
expressed. In the Tablet of the World, for instance, he defines societal evil in
terms which only too well capture the depths of violations of human dignity
in the twentieth century:
33 Ibid., para 81 and 82.
34 Ibid., para 89.
35 Ibid., para 88.
36 Ibid., para 91 and 93.
37 Bahá’u’lláh, Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, p. 212.
38 Ibid., p. 216.
14 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

The unbelievers and the faithless have set their minds on four things:
first, the shedding of blood; second, the burning of books; third, the shunning of the followers of other religions; fourth, the extermination of other
communities and groups.39

A flavour of the writings of this period can be gleaned by an examination
of the letter known as Glad-Tidings which, among others, abolishes the law
of holy war, encourages association with the followers of all religions, promotes the adoption of a universal language so that “the whole earth will come
to be regarded as one country”, encourages loyalty to government, calls for
the establishment of global peace, promotes freedom in dress, encourages
service to the community, prohibits the destruction of books, promotes the
sciences and the arts, regards work as worship, and promotes constitutional
monarchy. Similar passages are found in other writings of the period.
It is also in this period that Bahá’u’lláh defines the distinguishing character of his teachings:

We have on one hand, blotted from the pages of God’s Holy Book
whatsoever hath been the cause of strife, of malice and mischief amongst
the children of men, and have, on the other, laid down the essential prerequisites of concord, of understanding, of complete and enduring unity.40

It is from passages such as this that the core principle of the oneness of
humanity is drawn.
Again we find additional human rights elements represented in this period. For instance, the idea of fair reward for work: “The people of Bahá
should not deny any soul the reward due to him, should treat craftsmen with
deference”.41 The proper administration of justice is referred to: “Shed not
the blood of anyone, O people, neither judge ye anyone unjustly.”42 Respect
for the property of others is embodied in such passages as: “Deal not treacherously with the substance of your neighbour. Be ye trustworthy on earth”.43
The Aqdas instruction to ensure the education of children is reiterated as a
central principle. The obligation to work is identified as a form of worship,
which later we see elaborated as a right to work and as a duty on those who
organise society to ensure work is provided for all.

39 Ibid., pp. 215-216.
40 Ibid., p. 217.
41 Ibid., p. 189.
42 Ibid., p. 328.
43 Ibid.
Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í viewpoint 15

Seen from the Bahá’í paradigm
Religions provide meaning to life, and in doing so they provide a conceptual world or paradigm within which the religion’s principles and teachings
are elaborated. Accordingly, though we have seen a powerful affirmation of
rights themes in the Bahá’í teachings, those teachings cannot be seen as merely
an expression of human rights philosophy or any other system of thought.
The Bahá’í approach to human rights needs to be understood in its own context, if it is to be fully appreciated.
The difference in paradigm between secular modernism and a religious
system such as the Bahá’í Faith inevitably gives rise to a number of areas of
conceptual tension. These tensions need to be acknowledged and explored.
In some cases the tension can be resolved by a better understanding of the
nature of human rights, or of the Bahá’í teachings, and by better understanding what is essential to each.
Fundamentally the Bahá’í approach to human rights is one that balances
communitarian approaches with individual interest. Unsurprisingly given its
religious character, responsibilities are as important as rights from a Bahá’í
point of view. This issue, of course, only becomes problematic if one views
human rights as in any sense anti-communitarian or anti-responsibility. Such
an interpretation must be regarded as highly questionable, certainly in respect of the principles of the human rights movement grounded in the 1948
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. If one looks to the Kitáb-i-Aqdas,
one finds that its very first phrase is a reference to a duty, not a right: the duty
of the individual to know God and his prophets and to obey their teachings.
Curiously, however, we can observe that the Universal Declaration itself begins with a duty rather than a right:

every individual and every organ of society, keeping this Declaration
constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching and education to promote
respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective recognition and observance”.44

In addition, every right implies duties. The “right to life”, for instance, in
an active sense is addressed to all mankind and only has meaning if we
understand by it “thou shalt not abuse power to take human life”. Article 29
of the Universal Declaration includes the idea of community responsibility,
stating “everyone has duties to the community in which alone the free and
full development of his personality is possible”. The emphasis on rights as
opposed to duties in the Declaration itself also needs to be understood in its
historical context. The language, for very good reasons, is concerned to
44 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, preamble.
16 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

emphasise the limits of governmental power, because governments have so
prominently been the principal violators of rights. The introduction of
extensive reference to duties would potentially undermine this purpose. The
same is true of the international human rights treaties, which are concerned
to bind governments with legal obligations not qualified by ambiguities arising
from duties which might be read by those minded to avoid human rights
obligations as making rights conditional.
A second area of difficulty is presented by the revolutionary origin of
human rights philosophy. To the extent that human rights can be interpreted
as continuing to endorse the violent overthrow of government, they would
not accord with Bahá’í principle. Violence is a methodology antithetical to
the character of the Bahá’í Faith and is profoundly rejected. Bahá’ís are
counselled to be obedient and loyal to government:

None must contend with those who wield authority over the people;
leave unto them that which is theirs, and direct your attention to men’s
hearts.45

In the last clause of this passage we see encapsulated the Bahá’í view that
the true transformation of society depends ultimately on the transformation
of the individual. The pacific character of the Bahá’í Faith is emphasised by
other provisions such as the prohibition on carrying arms unless essential,
and on engaging in conflict, striking another, or committing similar acts
“whereby hearts and souls may be saddened”.46 These statements do not
imply an acceptance of unjust rule, but they define a methodology based the
peaceful and progressive transformation of such injustice.
Fundamental to an appreciation of the Bahá’í approach is its emphasis on
unity as the prerequisite to social well-being and the Bahá’í Faith’s own unifying mission which mandates that all its activities be directed to the achievement of unity in the human family. The foregoing is not necessarily outside
the bounds of modern human rights thinking. The preambular paragraphs to
the Declaration in fact note that one of the purposes of human rights is to
obviate the necessity for individuals to resort to “rebellion against tyranny
and oppression”.
Further, the modernity of the Bahá’í Faith in its social principles does not
equate to an acceptance of moral indifference or moral relativism in matters
of personal conduct, which is a prominent characteristic of modern cosmopolitan society. Indeed the Bahá’í Faith expects high standards of morality
from its followers including in areas such as personal ethics, chastity, and
abstinence from alcohol, drugs and gambling.

45 Bahá’u’lláh, Kitáb-i-Aqdas, para 95.
46 Ibid., para 159 and 148.
Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í viewpoint 17

The Faith’s emphasis both on peace and on high standards of conduct is
reflected in Bahá’u’lláh’s critical reference to liberty in the Aqdas. It is a
reference which can be easily misunderstood if taken out of context. In the
Aqdas, Bahá’u’lláh refers to excesses of liberty as contrary to human wellbeing. As indicated by the Universal House of Justice such references cannot be construed as approval of oppressive governance:

A true reading of the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh leaves no doubt as to
the high importance of [freedom of thought, expression and action] to
constructive social processes. Consider, for instance, Bahá’u’lláh’s proclamation to the kings and rulers. Can it not be deduced from this alone
that attainment of freedom is a significant purpose of his Revelation? His
denunciations of tyranny and His urgent appeals on behalf of the oppressed provide unmistakable proof. But does not the freedom foreshadowed by His Revelation imply nobler, ampler manifestations of human
achievement? Does it not indicate an organic relationship between the
internal and external realities of man such as has not yet been attained?47

An analysis of the relationship between the teachings of the Bahá’í Faith
and human rights is found in a major essay in the 1996-1997 volume of The
Bahá’í World.48 The inclusion of this essay in an official publication of the
international Bahá’í community reflects the significance of human rights in
the current work of the community. Titled “The Human Rights Discourse: A
Bahá’í Perspective”, the article addresses the philosophy of rights and makes
a number of observations. First and foremost, it discusses the basic congruence between human rights values and the Bahá’í teachings. Secondly, it is
concerned to critique moral relativism and thus to support the universality of
human rights, commenting that relativistic statements about rights (such as
in the Bangkok Declaration) “are often intended to insulate governments from
international criticism regarding treatment of their citizens”. Thirdly, the article discusses the various sources posited for human rights (nature, reason
etc.) supporting the validity of arguments for a divine origin for those rights.
Fourthly the article emphasises the communitarian character of the Bahá’í
teachings which call for a balance between individual freedom and the promotion of the collective good.
Beyond these thematic issues are specific provisions of Bahá’í law that
need to be considered in the overall context of the relationship between the
Bahá’í teachings and human rights. The following examples illustrate some
of the issues that arise.
47 Universal House of Justice, Individual Rights and Freedoms in the World Order of Bahá’u’lláh: To the
Followers of Bahá’u’lláh in the United States of America, 29 December 1988.
48 Matthew Weinberg, “The Human Rights Discourse: A Bahá’í Perspective”, The Bahá’í World 1996-
1997, Haifa: World Centre Publications, pp.247-274.
18 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

1. A social law introduced by Bahá’u’lláh requires that once intending
spouses have decided they wish to marry each other, they should seek and
obtain the consent of their parents to the marriage. This might be seen as
impeding free consent of the spouses as referred to in article 16.2 of the
Universal Declaration. Yet Bahá’u’lláh’s intent in introducing this provision furthers an aim of this article, which is the well-being of the family:

Desiring to establish love, unity and harmony amidst Our servants,
We have conditioned [marriage], once the couple’s wish is known, upon
the permission of their parents, lest enmity and rancour should arise
amongst them.49

2. The intestacy laws provided by Bahá’u’lláh provide for a complex series
of inheritors who receive different portions of the inheritance. The first
male child receives significant preference over other potential beneficiaries, and in other instances a greater proportion of inheritance is provided
for male as opposed to female beneficiaries. Here again difficult issues
arise, a full appreciation requiring consideration of the context of these
inheritance laws.

3. The death penalty is allowed for in the case of murder and arson, as is its
commutation to life imprisonment.50 A significant body of work in the
human rights movement is undertaken to bring about the full abolition of
the death penalty, although there is an equally significant resistance to
this aim.

Rather than creating a fundamental divergence, such issues need to be
seen in the context of an evolutionary and diverse human rights system, whose
basic provisions vary over both time and place, although its fundamental principles and intent remain in essence unchanging. Since 1948 new “generations” of rights have been created and different regions have emphasised different aspects of human rights. Work within the international system to elaborate rights continues largely unabated. Furthermore, rights are themselves
not absolute and are balanced against each other. For instance, the “Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination” limits the right to freedom
of expression in order to promote racial equality. Universality thus cannot be
taken to mean uniformity: within limits there is scope for a diversity of approaches to achieving the minimum aspirations set out in the Universal Declaration.

49 Bahá’u’lláh, Kitáb-i-Aqdas, para 65.
50 Ibid., para 62.
Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í viewpoint 19

Bahá’í aspirations for human rights
A review of the Bahá’í approach to human rights would be incomplete
without reference to those areas where the Bahá’í teachings suggest the need
for further development of human rights principles. Of central importance to
unfulfilled human rights aspirations from a Bahá’í point of view is the concept of the oneness of humanity - a concept at the core of Bahá’u’lláh’s teachings and which he emphasises repeatedly. It is expressed in various ways
including the idea of global citizenship. “The Earth is but one country, and
mankind its citizens.” This idea of universal human citizenship implies, in
stronger terms than expressed in the Declaration, the equality of rights of all
members of the human family. Citizenship is the organising principle that
replaced hierarchical medieval society with egalitarian concepts of modernity. Yet, in today’s world we still do not practice full equality of human
rights. One’s country of birth still determines whether one will live in abject
poverty or in material affluence unimaginable to previous generations, whether
one will experience peace or warfare, whether one lives in a democratic society or whether one is subject to tyranny. It is a reality implicitly endorsed by
the Declaration, which in this respect gives priority to the rights of states as
opposed to the rights of the individual. For instance articles 13 (freedom of
movement, and the right to leave a country), 14 (the right to asylum) and 15
(the right to nationality) can be seen from a Bahá’í point of view as steps
along the way to adopting the principle that all humanity are the citizens of a
common homeland.
In this context article 28, which states that “everyone is entitled to a social and international order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in the
Declaration can be fully realised”, would be seen as an area of neglected
human rights advocacy. From the point of view of the Bahá’í teachings,
human rights will not be achieved until the unity of the human race is established.
The Bahá’í principle that extremes of wealth as well as the extreme of
poverty need to be addressed suggest another area of human rights advocacy.
In broader terms the attention given to economic rights in the Bahá’í writings
contrasts with western approaches which in the past were primarily focused
on civil and political rights. Thus far efforts towards the achievement of
basic economic standards for all human beings, as called for in the Universal
Declaration, have been notably unsuccessful; and extremes of poverty and
wealth are increasing, both globally and within national borders.
The concept of the “oneness of religion” takes article 18 of the declaration one step beyond recognising the freedom of others to practice their beliefs - it implies the idea that all religions are from God and therefore sacred
and worthy of reverence. It is an idea that promotes reconciliation and mutual respect between the followers of all faiths. Religious tolerance remains
20 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

an unachieved aspiration, as sadly evident in conflict between followers of
different faiths in a number of countries.

Bahá’í community advocacy of human rights
The Bahá’í teachings provide rich sources for action to promote human rights. Thus, as one would expect, the Bahá’í community has sought
to translate these principles into practical action. In a general sense Bahá’í
community life intrinsically involves the promotion of human rights. The
practices of free and fair elections, the role of the community in the governance of its own affairs, the promotion of unity between people irrespective of race and background, the pursuit of gender equity are all inherent aspects of Bahá’í community life. In a Bahá’í International Community statement on human rights education the promotion of human rights
principles in Bahá’í moral education classes is discussed: “Bahá’í communities in 173 countries are already both promoting and providing education, based on the principle of the oneness of humanity, which seeks to
cultivate respect for the rights of others, a sense of responsibility for the
well-being of the human family, and the moral attributes that contribute
to a just, harmonious and peaceful world civilization. As a fundamental
tenet of their religion, Bahá’ís are committed to the eradication of all
forms of prejudice, including those based on race, ethnic origin, religion,
sex or nationality — prejudices that fuel hatred and cause otherwise good
people to deprive their fellow citizens of rights.”51
As well as this general context there is an increasing body of specific
human rights advocacy in which the Bahá’í community is engaged. Statements issued by the Bahá’í International Community, which represent
some of its work at the United Nations, give an indication of the length of
commitment to human rights at the international level. The Bahá’í community contributed to the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights through its “Bahá’í Declaration of Human Obligations and Rights”.
From 1974 onwards there has been a steady stream of Bahá’í contributions to the human rights work of United Nations bodies, covering a broad
range of topics including women’s rights, racial prejudice, rights of minorities, religious tolerance, rights of indigenous people, economic social and cultural rights, human rights education, violence against women
and combating racism.52
A 1974 document on the elimination of discrimination against women
illustrates how the Bahá’í community, as a global entity, has worked over
many years to promote human rights:

51 Bahá’í International Community, “Statement on the UN Decade of Human Rights Education delivered
to the UN Commission on Human Rights”, March 1996.
52 Statements of the Bahá’í International Community can be accessed via the Bahá’í World web site at
www.bahai.org.
Human rights: reflections from a Bahá’í viewpoint 21

Since this is the first occasion we have had to report on publicity given
to the Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women,
we would like to mention that as far back as 1968 we were making available to our affiliates [national communities] information on the [Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women], as well as
mailing supplies for United Nations Day or Human Rights Day meetings.

This description is representative of the kind of global and grass roots
activity that Bahá’í communities have pursued for many years.
During the International Year of Peace in 1986, the Universal House
of Justice issued The Promise of World Peace, a document which focused
on the prerequisites for the achievement of peace. It was shared with
community leaders from the Secretary General of the United Nations to
the chiefs and mayors of local communities, as well as the public in general. It continues to be distributed by the Bahá’í community. Its themes
include the abolition of racism, the equality of men and women, the abolition of extremes of wealth and poverty, and the need for universal education.
In 1994 Bahá’í advocacy of human rights was given a greater focus
through the adoption of an international policy for a Bahá’í contribution
to the fostering of peace that focused on four thematic issues: human rights,
advancement of women, global prosperity and moral development. This
policy has had the effect of significantly increasing national and local
Bahá’í focus on these issues. In 1997 the Bahá’í community launched a
program of action to support the implementation of national measures
pursuant to the United Nations Decade for Human Rights Education. In
this campaign Bahá’í communities have been encouraged to undertake
promotion of commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights and steps to implement the UN plan of action for the decade.
In Australia the Bahá’í community has participated in such activities
over many years. The community’s work for peace was recognised by an
award from the United Nations Secretary General in the International Year
of Peace. Since 1996 there has been an increased focus on commemoration of Human Rights day, adding to routine activities in support of other
international and national commemorations such as United Nations Day,
International Women’s Day, Reconciliation Week and Refugee Week. In
its national work the community has sought to increase its contribution to
non-government work in the field of human rights. A wide range of activities were organised to promote the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1998, including local commemorations and the conference at which this paper was presented.
22 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Conclusion
As we explore the body of Bahá’í teachings we see a deep stream of
reference to human rights expressed in traditional religious terminology -
terminology drawn not from modern western political philosophy, but rather
from the traditions of the great prophetic traditions of the Middle East. The
comprehensiveness of this reference to human rights underlines the centrality of rights in the Bahá’í Faith. The traditional language expressing rights
concepts signals what can be deduced from a study of Judaism, Christianity,
Islam and indeed the other great faiths: that these systems of thought have
contributed directly to the assumptions and ways of thought from which human rights and instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
have emerged.
The very act of humanity gathering in 1948 to declare its global values
and its aspirations for all human beings was profoundly spiritual in character.
It remains a beacon towards a future worthy of human dignity - for all members of the human family.

Promoting a Culture of
Human Rights : The United
Nations Commission on
Human Rights and the Bahá’í
community in the Islamic
Republic of Iran
Ladan Rahmani

Introduction
This paper examines one international organisation, the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights and its actions in relation to the case study of
the human rights situation of the Bahá’í community in Iran. In section one,
the role of the CHR is discussed. I identify three main areas where it carries
out its functions: direct collective action, direct diplomatic dialogue, and indirect action through influencing the international human rights regime and
other regimes. Section two is a case study of the Commission in action. I
analyse the nature of the persecution of the Bahá’ís in the Islamic Republic
of Iran. There is a discernible pattern in the area of civil and political rights,
in the area of economic, social and cultural rights, however, there seems to be
no apparent difference. I argue that although there have been slight changes
in the situation they do not signify a change in the situation as a whole.
In the final section, the Commission’s actions are discussed in the three
areas of direct diplomatic action, collective diplomatic action and indirect
mobilisation of the human rights regime. I argue that the case study confirms
that the Commission’s actions have to some extent influenced the Islamic
Republic of Iran, as demonstrated in the slight changes that have occurred in
the nature of the persecution of the Bahá’ís. In addition, the indications of
change are discernible in the statements that have been made by the government of Iran to the international community. My case study indicates that the
Commission’s actions have within a normative framework influenced Iran to
some extent.
24 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Section I:
The role of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights
Direct collective function
In its collective capacity, the CHR is currently representative of 53 member states.1 As an inter-governmental body, its voting and decisions are restricted to these member states of the CHR. A consequence of this restriction
of membership to governmental actors is a highly politicised climate in the
sessions and discussions of the CHR. The annual recrudescence of deep geopolitical fractures is a common feature of Commission sessions, resolutions
and decisions.2 The deliberations are divided according to political interests,
and it has been argued that the threat of bias has dominated the work of the
Commission, as demonstrated by an empirical study carried out by Donnelly,
who refers to the inordinate amount of time spent on certain country cases
and almost complete dismissal of other cases where the degree of human
rights violations is similar, if not worse.4 Nevertheless, the CHR also seeks
input from Non-Governmental Organisations, enabling it to incorporate issues and interests that are not wholly motivated by political self-interest. The
presence of NGOs at the Commission’s sessions and their consultative capacity enable a wider cross section of the international community to be represented, and their interests to be integrated into the human rights system. It
may seem that enhancing the non-political actors’ role in the Commission
may be a possible response to the challenge of politicization. However, it has
also been argued that this may detract from the pressure that governments
can exert through their own relations with other states. Indeed Suter views
the political aspect of the membership of the Commission as a positive as it
places increased pressure on states.5
The force of the resolutions and declarations made by the Commission is
evident in their standard setting repercussions. Such instruments have been
criticised as being merely rhetoric lacking any enforcement mechanisms, but

1. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “United Nations Commission on Human Rights
Membership,” United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “United Nations Commission
on Human Rights Membership,” http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu2/2/chrmem.htm#top (25 September 1999).
2. These geo-political divisions mainly pertain to North/South and East/West. See Joe W. Pitts III and
David Weissbrodt, “Major developments at the UN Commission on Human Rights in 1992”, Human
Rights Quarterly, Feb 1993 15 n1 pp. 122-196; also see, International Commission of Jurists, The
Review, which publishes reports on the Commission’s sessions on an annual basis.
3. Jack Donnelly, “Human Rights at the United Nations 1955-85: The Question of Bias”, International
Studies Quarterly, 1988, 32, pp. 275-303.
4. Ibid., pp. 290-291. One example presented by Donnelly is the emphasis given to Israel’s human rights
record in the occupied territories and the disregard of Indonesia over East Timor. Donnelly states that
“[w]hile genuine genocide in East Timor has been completely ignored, the brutal, the completely unjustifiable, but hardly genocidal massacre at the Sabra and Shantila camps has been labeled [sic] ‘an
act of genocide.’” He goes on to conclude that: “Palestinian Arabs have become a central concern of
the United Nations. The people of East Timor have been abandoned. And politics is the only plausible
explanation.”
5. Keith D. Suter., “The UN Commission on Human Rights”, The Australian Outlook, v.31, Aug. 1977,
pp. 289-307.
Promoting a Culture of Human Rights 25

in my view they are crucial moves in the process towards creating the status
of international law. The collective aspiration of setting normative standards
is a primary aspect of the CHR’s mandate. Its first task was to establish an
International Bill of Rights and then to formulate international declarations
or conventions. These documents have provided the international community with a an embryonic form of international law; Ramcharan notes that
certain norms have so permeated the international community’s concerns that
they have attained the: “[s]tatus of imperative norms of international law, or
known in technical parlance, as norms of jus cogens.”6 As Burgenthal argues, one of the main powers proceeding from the normative foundations of
human rights is its onus on states to confront their international obligations.
He argues that this normative evolution is an irreversible process that sets in
motion the: “[i]nternationalization of human rights and the humanization of
international law.”7

Direct diplomatic function
Another aspect of the promotional activities that the CHR carries out is
through its direct mechanism that it enables it to interact and conduct dialogue with states. The direct diplomatic function of working with states to
monitor their compliance was often initially taken by the Secretary-General.
As the CHR’s work has expanded and become more systematised it has appointed independent experts to take on the specific roles of direct diplomatic
action. There are two different fields of work that these independent experts
cover, thematic mechanisms and country mechanisms. The thematic mechanism presently covers 26 themes that includes a range of multifarious issues
such as disappearances, executions, torture, mercenaries, religious intolerance, arbitrary detention, and children.8 In the country cases, a Special Representative is often appointed to carry out diplomatic dialogue with the state
concerned. A distinction has been made in this aspect of the work of the
Commission is that it is ‘inquisitorial’ rather than ‘adversarial’.9 The distinction between these two approaches characterises the general nature of the
Commission’s work, that it is based on the long term prospects of building
and strengthening a relationship between itself and a non-compliant state
rather than short-sighted attempts to persuade compliance with a hope for
immediate results. This reflects its emphasis on the normative standard-setting focus of its work.
6. B.G Ramcharan, Keeping Faith with the United Nations, Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1987,
p. 26.
7. Thomas Burgenthal, “The Normative and Institutional Evolution of International Human Rights,” Human Rights Quarterly, 19 (1997), p. 705.
8. See United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Thematic Mandates,” See United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, “Thematic Mandates,” http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu2/
7/b/tm.htm (16 October 1999).
9. B.G. Ramcharan, (ed.), International Law and Fact-Finding in the Field of Human Rights, The Hague:
Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1982, pp. 1-26.
26 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Another facet of direct diplomacy is through the establishment of the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. The establishment of this office is again reflective of the dilatory work of the Commission; Humphries notes that he first suggested that such a post be established in 1963,10 but it was not until 1993 that its establishment was ratified.11
This example demonstrates that though a proposal can be criticised and rejected initially, it does not signify that such a proposal is doomed to failure.
The influence that this post exerts was evident at the most recent Commission session. The Office of the High Commissioner was able to form personal contacts with those suffering human rights abuse, bringing their voices
and concerns closer to the attention of the Commission. During the 1999
session, Mary Robinson demonstrated the effectiveness of her post through
her facilitation of a quick response from the Commission to the crisis in
Kosovo.12 A resolution was passed in the first few days of the CHR’s session
and weekly reports were provided, updating the developments in the situation. The High Commissioner has become the central diplomatic representative of the Commission’s actions.

Indirect mobilisation of the International Human Rights Regime
My argument is that the work of the Commission is central both within
the international human rights regime and also externally in mobilising other
human rights regimes. According to Krasner, a regime can be defined as:
“[p]rinciples, norms, rules and decision-making procedures around which
actor expectations converge in a given issue area.” 13 Donnelly shifts the tone
of this definition slightly by introducing the term “international actors”. 14 He
applies regime theory in his analysis of the global organisation of human
rights, and sees the CHR as the central component of the overall international
human rights regime.15 The other agencies identified in this regime are: the
General Assembly, the third committee, the ECOSOC, the Human Rights
Committee, the Working Groups, the Sub-Commission on the Prevention of
Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. The first two strands of regime
theory, the principles and norms, form a crucial aspect of the work of the
Commission as I have discussed.
External to the international human rights regime, the CHR has been
10. John P. Humphrey, Human Rights and the United Nations: A Great Adventure, New York: Transnational
Publishers, 1984, pp. 296-301.
11. Ibid.
12. Mr Peter Heyward of the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade expressed this view. Mr Heyward
was part of the Australian delegation at United Nations Commission on Human Rights in 1999. He
gave a report of his personal insights and experiences from working at the Commission a meeting
sponsored by the National Council of Churches in Sydney, “Report Back on the 1999 United Nations
Commission on Human Rights,” 8 July 1999.
13. Stephen Krasner, (ed.,) International Regimes, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983, p. 1.
14. Jack Donnelly, “International Human Rights: A Regime Analysis”, International Organization, 40, 3,
Summer 1986, p. 602.
15. Ibid., pp. 599-642.
Promoting a Culture of Human Rights 27

instrumental in strengthening other regimes. The regional commissions set
up and modelled after the CHR have been a testimony to its impact. These
commissions have been established in North America, Europe and Africa.16
In 1963, the CHR added an agenda item under the title of “Further promotion
and encouragement of human rights.”17 The purpose of this agenda item was
to encourage the creation of national and regional institutions. These
institutions serve to strengthen the role of the CHR through reinforcement of
the work that it has accomplished. They seek to interpret and translate the
normative standards formulated by the CHR into domestic law. The advantage
in this regard is that these regional commissions have been created in such a
way that they are more approachable as they do not require a strict adherence
to formal procedures.18 They are also not confined to particular restrictions
such as only taking into consideration situations of ‘gross and systematic’
human rights abuses. The Inter-American Commission is able to hear
individual grievances and is less strict than its European counterpart in its
criteria for admitting a petition.19
I have argued that the scope of the Commission’s work has been strong in
the creation and promotion of norms and weak in the area of implementation
and enforcement. In the following section, I analyse the human rights situation of the Bahá’í community in Iran. This case study will then be used to
reflect on the Commission’s actions. I argue that the Commission had a
limited impact in responding to this specific situation.

Section II: The Persecution of the Bahá’ís
Historical Background of the persecution of the Bahá’ís
Since the origins of the Bahá’í Faith in Iran, its adherents have been continually persecuted for their beliefs, with the prophet-founder of the Bahá’í
Faith, Bahá’u’lláh suffering numerous afflictions including imprisonment and
exile.20 The basis for these persecutions is embedded in Islamic theological
interpretations of the concept of prophethood and finality in religious dispensation.21 As the motives for these persecutions changed over time, the
continued persecution of the Bahá’ís can be explained in part from the prejudicial attitude that these early attacks incited, which became ingrained in the
16. For a good overview and comparative analysis on regional human rights arrangements see Burns H.
Weston, Robin Ann Lukes, Kelly M. Hnatt, “Regional Human Rights Regimes: A Comparison and
Appraisal,” Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law, Vol. 20, No. 4, 1997, p. 591.
17. Howard Tolley, Jr, The U.N. Commission on Human Rights, Boulder: Westview Press, 1987, p. 96.
18. Dina L. Shelton, “The Inter-American Human Rights System,” Chapter 7 in Hurst Hanumm, ed., Guide
to International Human Rights Practice, 2nd edition, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1992, pp. 119-132.
19. Ibid., p. 126.
20. Historical accounts of the life of Bahá’u’lláh can be found in many publications. For some notable
works on this theme see, H.M.Balyuzi, Bahá’u’lláh, London: George Ronald, 1972; J.E.Esslemont,
Bahá’u’lláh and the New Era, (fifth revised edition), Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1980; Bahá’í
International Community, Bahá’u’lláh, Sydney: Bahá’í Publications Australia, 1991.
21. According to an interpretation of Islamic doctrine, Muhammad represented the last in the line of
28 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

national consciousness and were cultivated from generation to generation,22
with the Bahá’ís becoming a scapegoat to fulfil political motivations.23 During the nineteenth century approximately 20, 000 Bahá’ís were killed.24 It
has been argued that another change in the motivations spurring attacks against
the Bahá’ís was between 1921-1944, were the emphasis of the persecutions
was to subjugate the Bahá’í institutions.25
During the formulation of the 1906 constitution and its subsequent establishment as the political system for Iran, the Bahá’ís faced another series of
hostile assaults. Not only were they omitted from the Constitution and thus
not recognised as receiving civil rights, they were also specifically targeted
as national apostates. A particular aspect of this non-recognition was an
emphasis on not permitting Bahá’ís to participate in elections.26 The upheavals against the Bahá’ís escalated during the 1950s. A specific campaign initiated by leading clerics in 1955 established an “Anti-Bahá’í Society” with
the sole purpose of planning and carrying out attacks against the Bahá’ís.27
The government permitted access to national radio for public vilification
purposes, and there followed a wave of violent assaults including physical
abuse, executions and confiscation of property.28 Indeed as Cottam notes, the
Shah persecuted the Bahá’ís throughout his regime for political advantage.29

The “Justifications” of Iran’s actions against the Bahá’ís
Often the social status of Bahá’ís has been the reason for fuelling enmity.
The early Bahá’í community consisted of many individuals who belonged to
the mercantile classes. The implications of this has been noted by Avery in
(footnote 21 continued) Prophethood, as he was recognised as the: “Seal of the Prophets”. Any claims to
Prophethood proceeding Muhammad according to this interpretation are a repudiation of the entire
Muslim religion. See, Sandra Mackey, The Iranians: Persia, Islam, and the Soul of the Nation, New
York: The Penguin Group, 1998. Mackey states that: “From its inception, Bahaism enraged the Shia
clergy. Its blasphemy denied Muhammad as the last prophet and the Koran as final revelation. A powerful corresponding issue for the clerics as well as the shah was that Bahaism, like Manichaeism in its
time, posed a threat to the existing order.“ (p. 130). For other interpretations of this verse from the
Qu’rán see Shaykh Sadúq, Kamál ad-Dín wa Tamám an-Níma (also called Ikmál ad-Dín wa Itmám an-
Ni’ma) in ‘Alí Akbar Ghaffari, ed., Maktab as-Sadúq, Tehran, 1390/1970, cited in Moojan Momen, An
Introduction to Shi’í Islam, George Ronald, Oxford, 1985, p. 346.
22. Moojan Momen (ed.), The Bábí and the Bahá’í Religions, 1844-1944 – Some Contemporary Western
Accounts, George Ronald, Oxford, 1981.
23. Ibid., pp. 237, 257.
24. Bahá’í International Community, The Bahá’ís in Iran – A Report on the Persecution of a Religious
Minority, New York: Bahá’í International Community - United Nations Office, 1982, p. 1.
25. Momen, The Bábí and the Bahá’í Religions, op.cit., “Introduction”
26. Ibid., p. 368.
27. Mackey, op.cit, p.210.
28. Peter Avery, Modern Iran, New York: Frederick A. Praeger Publishers, 1967, pp 46-67, 76, 121, 469.
Avery notes in particular: “In 1955 observers were surprised when the Government suddenly instituted
moves against the religious minority of the Bahá’ís; although there is religious toleration in Iran, action against the Bahá’ís was condoned on the grounds that their faith is not recognised as a separate
religion. No less a person than the Army Chief of Staff took charge of the sequestration of the Bahá’ís’
main centre in Tehran. The dome of this building was destroyed and the building itself made the
headquarters of the city’s military government.” (p 469).
29. Richard W. Cottam, “Human Rights in Iran under the Shah”, Comment, Vol. 12, No. 1, Winter 1980. p.
128.
Promoting a Culture of Human Rights 29

terms of economic factors and their influence on political strains.30 It has
also been noted by other scholars that Bahá’ís often represented the educated
social classes and were hence on this basis especially singled out for persecution. However, this argument is not necessarily accurate as Bahá’ís were
representative of a diverse range of social classes and backgrounds.
The charges of espionage, Zionist activities and corruption have been used
as other justifications by the Iranian government against the Bahá’ís. It is
often claimed that the Bahá’ís work on behalf of the state of Israel to collate
confidential information. The basis for these accusations is unfounded and is
a sign of the confusion that exists regarding the administrative centre of the
Bahá’í Faith. The Bahá’í World Centre is located in Haifa, and the resting
place of the founder of the Faith is in Akká; both were proclaimed as sites of
holy significance to the Bahá’ís prior to the formation of the state of Israel.

Civil and Political Rights
The following analysis of the human rights situation of the Bahá’ís in
post-revolutionary Iran is divided into specific time periods in the area of
civil and political rights. The main reasoning behind the division into the
three time periods is that each period is representative of where there has
been a decisive decrease in the right to life. This can be accounted as one
indication of change in the nature of the human rights abuse. I should make
it clear that the break in the time-periods does not represent a change in the
betterment of the overall situation for the Bahá’ís but rather is demonstrative
of a change in the nature of the governments dealing with the Bahá’ís. In the
area of economic, social and cultural rights no time periods are chosen as I
argue that no real change has occurred, indeed in some cases it appears to
have worsened.

1979-1985
The most visible atrocities against the Bahá’ís in the area of civil and
political human rights abuse occurred during the period of 1979-1985. The
administrative aspect of the Bahá’í community was wholly undermined.31
Many local sites of administration were burnt and destroyed. The national
office was confiscated and replaced by an Islamic University.32 A total ban
on the administration of the Bahá’í Faith was announced in 1983, and since
that time has not been lifted.33 Sites of holy significance to the Bahá’ís were
30. Avery, op.cit, p. 76, Avery notes for instance that: “The Bábí movement had itself sprung from among
the mercantile classes, a fact which recalls us to the realisation that, as political strains can be symptoms of economic ills, so in a country like Iran can religious movements reflect the anxieties of classes
engaged in commerce. In terms of a new religious hope, the Bábí movement was part of a syndrome
indicating the stress of mounting economic and social tension.”
31. This was particularly critical for the Bahá’ís in terms of the maintenance of their religious community
life. The Bahá’ís do not have any clergy and priesthood and depend on the institutions of their administration to conduct their community affairs.
32. This was reported by Reuters World Press News Release 12 July 1979.
30 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

seized, burnt and destroyed.34 Arrests were not only carried out by revolutionary guards, but also Muslims were invited to submit Bahá’ís to the authorities. Le Monde reported that: “[A]yatollah [Sadoughi] invited the mass
of the faithful to ‘hunt out the Bahá’ís throughout the public services and
deliver them to the revolutionary prosecution department.’” This was advertised in the daily newspaper.35 This and similar calls to subjugate the Bahá’ís
led to arbitrary and frequent arrests and imprisonment. There were reports of
torture and abuse in prison.36 Executions numbered 184 during this time, the
highest number in such a concentrated time throughout the twenty year period.37 It was discovered that the revolutionary police were in possession of a
list of names of 20,000 Bahá’ís.38 Most of the attacks against the Bahá’ís in
this first phase, such as the banning of administration and the demolition of
sites of holy significance, had widespread ramifications. The unfortunate
legacy of these attacks remained as a constant source of suffering for the
Bahá’ís.

1986-1991
An apparent lessening in the persecution of the Bahá’ís took place during
this time. Compared to the previous seven year period when 184 Bahá’ís
were executed, there was a dramatic decline to 14 executions in this six year
period, which suggests that Iran recognised some form of pressure. Apart
from this visible evidence of persecution the remainder of offences against
the Bahá’ís were much the same.

1992-1998
Persecutions within this period continued to occur and again there was a
decline in executions, with only 6 executions taking place. The most recent
was the hanging of Mr Ruhollah Rowhani in July 1998; Rowhani was charged
in relation to apostasy, but no public trial was held and no sentence was
announced prior to his hanging.39 Two court cases demonstrate that the
persecutions against the Bahá’ís had the same motives. An Islamic
33. 29 August 1983, The Attorney-General of Iran issued a statement announcing a ban on Bahá’í administration. It was a criminal act to engage in teaching and inviting others to join the Bahá’í Faith, forming assemblies or have anything else to do with administration. However, Bahá’ís were allowed to
practise their beliefs privately.
34. Universal House of Justice, “Demolition of the House of Bahá’u’lláh in Tákur; Seizure of Cemetery in
Tehran.”, 10 December 1981, pp. 510-511 in Messages from The Universal House of Justice, Bahá’í
Publishing Trust, Wilmette, 1996. The Universal House of Justice is the governing institution of the
Bahá’í Faith and consists of nine members who are elected in quinquennial terms.
35. Le Monde, No. 11009, Tuesday 24 June 1980, pp. 1 and 6. The quote from Ayatollah Sadoughi was
taken from a daily paper in Iran entitled Inguilab Islami (this newspaper was an organ of President
Bani-Sadr)
36. See Amnesty International, Iran: Violations of Human Rights – Documents sent by Amnesty International to the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, London, 1987.
37. Roger Cooper, The Bahá’ís of Iran, Minority Rights Group, London, 1985.
38. Voice of America Report on Campaign of Arrests against Iranian Bahá’ís, see, Universal House of
Justice, Messages from The Universal House of Justice, op.cit., p. 507.
Promoting a Culture of Human Rights 31

Revolutionary Court in Tehran prosecuted a Bahá’í in 1996, Mr Musa Talibi,40
on charges of leading two Muslims astray, apostasy, and activities disrupting
law and order. The court mentioned in its verdict only matters pertaining to
his membership of the Bahá’í community and described these as “misguided”;
it also quoted from a Muslim authority that; “it may be decreed that such
infidels be murdered.” The court sentenced Mr. Talibi to death. Also in
1996, Mr. Dhabihu’llah Mahrami was charged at the Islamic Court of Yazd
for: “denouncing the religion of Islam and the beliefs of the wayward Bahá’í
sect; national apostasy,”41 and was sentenced to death for apostasy. These
three cases are the most striking in this period and demonstrate little change.
The fact that Bahá’ís are continually harassed and live under precarious
conditions means that their standard of life is subversive and fraught with
incalculable obstacles and perils. Bahá’í marriages continue to go
unrecognised, and they are not allowed to bury their dead in accordance with
their religious tradition. In October 1998 three Bahá’ís were arrested in the
city of Damavand on charges of burying their dead without authorisation
from the government.42 Thus, in the area of civil and political rights the
periods that have been outlined indicate a change in the lessening of the
executions and imprisonment.

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
1979-1999
In the sphere of economic, social and cultural rights there were attacks
against the Bahá’ís. Within the first year of the establishment of the Islamic
Republic of Iran, the Umana company owned by Bahá’ís was closed, a large
company in which 15,000 Bahá’ís had invested their savings and assets.43
Many bank accounts of Bahá’ís were frozen; specifically in 1981 Iran had
asked for account details of all Bahá’ís to be submitted to the government
authorities. As houses were seized, so too were furnishings and other property
such as crops and livestock. Thousands of jobs were threatened and lost; for
instance one circular letter sent to all Bahá’í employees of the Iranian National
Oil Company notified them of their dismissal and the termination of their
pensions.44 Retirement allowances were also denied, trade and business
licences were cancelled. Bahá’í marriages were not recognised under Iranian
39. U.S Department of State, “Iran Country Report on Human Rights Practises for 1998”, released by the
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, February 26, 1999.
40. Islamic Revolutionary Court of Tehran, Court Verdict 40790, File Number D/6412/75, 11 Murdad
1375 (2 August 1996).
41. Islamic Revolutionary Courts of the Province of Yazd, Court Classification Number: 74/2288/D, Appeal Number: 74/2312/D-R, 12 Day 1374 (2 January 1996). See also, Amnesty International, Iran –
Dhabihullah Mahrami: Prisoner of Conscience, AI Index: MDE 13/34/96, London, October 1996.
42. U.S Department of State Annual Report on International Religious Freedom for 1999: Iran, released by
the Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, Washington D.C, September 9, 1999, p. 5.
43. International Commission of Jurists, “Persecution of the Bahá’ís in Iran”, The Review, No.34, June,
1985, p. 9.
44. Letter dated 13 September 1980 from the National Iranian Oil Company. The letter stated that the
32 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

law.
The consistency of the violations of rights can be demonstrated in reference to two incidents. Firstly, in 1993 a secret Government memorandum
was uncovered concerning the “Bahá’í Question”.45 This document stipulates a calculated plan with the aim of gradually destroying the life of the
community. The memorandum states: “The Government’s dealings with them
must be in such a way that their progress and development are blocked.” The
nature of approaching this task, as is apparent in the document is to cause farreaching impact in as subtle a way as possible. Another incident, relating to
the right to education demonstrates the uncertainty of the Iranian government’s actions. In 1998, the Bahá’í Institute of Higher Education was attacked through a series of raids, 36 faculty members were arrested and 532
homes raided and looted of property.46 Such attacks against the Bahá’í community seem to confirm the statement of the Special Representative that the
situation in some cases appears to have worsened.47 One change that has
taken place in regard to education has been the admittance to Bahá’í students
to the pre-university level.48 However, this in itself may be a form of persecution as there is no chance for these students to advance from this level into
University.

Section III: The Action of the United Nations Commission on
Human Rights
The action of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights can be
categorised into three areas. These areas particularly signify the different
ways in which the Commission has carried out its work. First, the collective
action of the Commission has been effective in generating momentum. Second, through direct communication with the government of Iran, it has carried out some key steps that have been effective in certain ways. Third, I
(footnote 44 continued) reason for the termination of employment was: “illegal employment and affiliation
with Bahá’í Religion.” It further stated that: “If you ever deny your affiliation with the above-mentioned religious sect, acknowledge and report the case in written [sic] so that the above decision may be
reviewed after study and consideration.” A copy of this letter has been published in Bahá’í International Community, The Bahá’ís in Iran – A Report on the Persecution of a Religious Minority, op.cit.,
p. 78. Thousands of similar letters were sent to Bahá’í government employees terminating their employment.
45. The United Nations Special Representative on the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of
Iran discovered this memorandum in 1993, see Appendix III for a translated copy of this document.
46. The Bahá’í Institute of Higher Education (BIHE) was established in Iran in response to the denial of
University entry to Bahá’ís since 1980. The BIHE has operated since 1987 and its qualifications have
been recognised by leading University’s in North America. It is not known why the attacks were
suddenly carried out in 1998 as the establishment of the University had been known by government
authorities ever since its inception. See Bahá’í International Community, The Bahá’í Institute for
Higher Education: A Creative and Peaceful Response to Religious Persecution in Iran, UN Doc. E/
CN.4/1999/NGO/14, 29 January 1999.
47. Mr. Maurice Copithorne, Report on the Situation of the Human Rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran,
submitted by the Special Representative of the Commission on Human Rights, pursuant to Commission
resolution 1998/80, UN. Doc. E/CN.4/1999/32 (28 December1998).
48. Mr Maurice Coptihorne, Report on the Situation of Human Rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran,
pursuant to Commission Resolution 1998/80, E/CN.4/1999/32, 28 December 1998, paragraph 44.
Promoting a Culture of Human Rights 33

argue that the Commission’s activities in mobilising the international human
rights regime have been significant in creating a slight difference. Lastly, I
will focus on the larger measures of success that seem to be indications from
Iran that some form of change is taking place.

Collective Diplomatic Action
The joint action in the form of annual sessions where the issues are deliberated and resolutions are ratified fortifies the work of the international community to focus collectively on the specific issues at hand. The annual deliberations at the sessions have yielded yearly inclusion of the Bahá’í situation
in the resolutions calling for the Iranian government to respect human rights.
These resolutions are for the most part weakly worded, repetitive and in many
cases almost identical renditions of previous years’ resolutions. For many
years the Iranian government was “encouraged” or “called” to take action on
their human rights issues and only rarely has the wording changed to “urge”.49
However, the resolutions are highly significant in one sense, in that their
ratification allows for the continuation of the mandate of the Special Representative, whose work is of primary importance. The other indication of the
importance of these resolutions is exemplified in Iran’s permanent mission in
Geneva. Human Rights Watch has reported that the work of the permanent
mission demonstrates Iran’s sensitivity toward international public opinion.
This NGO noted that the permanent mission was working hard “to ensure
that there would not be an embarrassing debate at the General Assembly over
the resolution.”50 These are positive reinforcements of the promotional activities of the Commission. As Ruggie argues: “[c]ertain governments accused of violations have gone to considerable lengths to deny or excuse their
behaviour, thereby implicitly accepting the legitimacy of the very rights they
have been abusing.”51
Apart from state participation, the Commission provides NGOs with a
significant opportunity to participate in its deliberations. As NGOs represent
a wider cross section of the international community, they are in a position to
contribute decisively to the process of norm creation and promotion of these
normative standards. This has been particularly so with the human rights
situation of the Bahá’ís in Iran. The role of the NGOs in this situation has
been particularly significant in creating a platform for organisations to speak
on behalf of the victims. In this case, the Bahá’í International Community
has also been able to represent the concerns of the Bahá’ís in the country of
Iran. Often, this NGO has access to information that no other agency has,
and in bringing specific issues to the fore of the international community’s
49. For instance see CHR Resolution 1990/79 as compared to CHR Resolution 1996/84.
50. Human Rights Watch, Human Rights Watch World Report 1990, New York: Human Rights Watch,
January 1991, p. 443.
51. John Gerard Ruggie, “Human Rights and the Future of the International Community,” Daedulus, 1983,
112, 4, Fall, p. 100.
34 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

agenda it plays a vital role in the promotion of human rights issues. Such a
cognitive contribution from non-state actors has greatly influenced the characteristics of the regime.

Direct Diplomatic Action
The role of the Special Representative of the human rights situation in
Iran is the central mechanism of the CHR that can be utilized for direct diplomatic action.52 Initially, the Secretary-General was mandated by the Sub-
Commission to forge direct links with the government of Iran.53 No substantive response and improvement in the situation occurred and a specific position was necessary to focus on this country case. The responses that emerged
initially were in a demeaning tone towards the institution of the CHR. For
instance, the Iranian representative was noted as stating that because the United
Nations was a secular body, it did not have the authority to deal with religious matters.54
Since the appointment of the Special Representative in 1984, there have
been some areas of action indicating a slight change in the situation or at
least in the response from Iran. In the field of promotion, the Special Representative has uncovered sources of information hitherto unknown and has
raised the awareness of the international community about specific violations of rights. A watershed in the fact-finding activities in relation to the
Bahá’í situation was the discovery of a secret memorandum of the Iranian
government in 1991, which dealt with the ways in which the Iranian government could resolve the “Bahá’í Question” particularly in reference to the
cultural life of the community. The document was tacit proof that the persecution of the Bahá’ís was part of a systematic campaign to slowly strangle
the life of the community. As I have discussed in section II of this paper this
document confirmed the curtailment of the rights of the Bahá’í community.
The relationship between the UN Special Representative and the
government of Iran reflects serious challenges facing the CHR. Far from
implementation and enforcement of the CHR’s decisions, the Special
Representative has only reached a stage of weak diplomatic dialogue with
this government. Only on a few occasions has the Iranian government
permitted access to the Special Representative to visit the country; most often
52. Commission Resolution 1984/54 (14 March 1984). The mandate of the Special Representative is to
establish contact with the government, to carry out a study of the situation and to submit recommendations from the conclusions reached through the investigative procedures.
53. The Sub-Commission attention to the situation on 10 September 1980 was in the Resolution on
Rights of Persons Belonging to Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities. It “[e]xpressed profound concern for the safety of recently arrested and all other members of the National Administrative Council of the Bahá’í Religious Community of Iran and requested the Secretary-General to
transmit this concern to the Iranian Government, inviting it to express its commitment to the guarantees provided in the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ratified by that state.” This
was reported in the United Nations Year Book, 1980, p. 829
54. This comment was made at the 37th session of the Commission in 1981, reported in United Nations
Year Book, 1981, p. 881.
Promoting a Culture of Human Rights 35

the reports indicate the repeated denials of the Iranian government to such
requests.55 Even when a visit is permitted, there are serious challenges facing
the Representative within the country. In one case it was reported that two
Bahá’ís who had conducted an interview with a Special Representative were
beaten and reprimanded for their cooperation. This is a serious setback for
the Commission as it threatens the scope of work that it can cover without the
threat of the state. The reports were criticised for being excessively mild in
tone, which is in all respects a good indication of the limited capabilities of
the Commission.
Some positive trends correlated with the work of the Special Representative can be made. In 1984 when the Special Representative was appointed,
there was a dramatic decline in the number of executions carried out against
the Bahá’ís. The representative made a reference to this by stating that the
“[n]umber of alleged violations to the right to life had diminished over the
last two years, and although allegations of executions continued, there were
fewer than during the years 1979 to 1984.”56 Although no causal relationship
can be made, these correlations are noteworthy. A positive indication of the
impact of the work of the representative came from a comment made by the
Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Velayati: “International monitoring of the human
rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran should not continue indefinitely. The country could not tolerate such monitoring for long.”57
The other direct diplomatic mechanism relevant in this case is the Special
Rapporteur on the Elimination of Religious Discrimination and Intolerance.
This Rapporteur has investigated allegations against Iran and in carrying out
his mandate has visited Iran,58 and has also been significant in drawing attention to the situation of the Bahá’í community in Iran and in providing recommendations based on these findings. As a thematic mechanism of the CHR,
it has been able to report more critically than the country representative. When
considered in combination with the Special Representative it can be argued
that together both these posts are important in promoting international standards.

Indirect Action – a catalyst for the international human rights regime
The actions of the CHR become mirrored in other institutions of the human
rights regime. These are often a confirmation of the pivotal role of the CHR.
As a functional agency of the ECOSOC, the CHR carries out its work in the
prospect of approval by the ECOSOC. In every resolution and decision that
55. See for instance, Maurice Copthorne, Report of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, E/CN.4/
1997/63, 11 February 1997, paragraph 9 .
56. United Nations, United Nations Yearbook, 1987, p. 804
57. Human Rights Watch, Human Rights Watch World Report 1990, New York, January 1991, p. 446.
58. Abdelfattah Amor, “The mandate of the UN Special Rapporteur,” Emory International Law Review,
Spring 1998, v 12, n 2, p. 947.
36 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

it has made regarding the situation of the Bahá’ís in Iran, the ECOSOC has
expressed its approval. In this sense, other agencies of the International human
rights regime such as the treaty-based bodies are empowered by the attention
given to the issue by other agencies. For instance, the third committee has
been successful in relating its work to the Commission’s resolutions and in
increasing the pressure on Iran to submit reports on time.59
The General Assembly, though not usually concerning itself with human
rights issues, addressed the issue of human rights in Iran. This was a momentous step in the internationalisation of response for human rights issues
as it was the third time in the General Assembly’s history that a resolution
was adopted on a human rights issue with specific references in one of the
clauses to the situation of the Bahá’ís.60 The decision of the General Assembly to continue revisiting the issue attests to the gravity of the situation. As
the highest institution of the United Nations was concerning itself with this
matter it was more in a position to exert influence on the international community. In its subsequent resolutions the General Assembly referred to the
work of the Commission and the resolutions it had adopted.61 The agenda
item has remained on the General Assembly’s agenda until the present.62

Measures of success?
There have been some indications that changes are taking place in Iran
since the time the CHR took action on the situation. The Special Representative, Mr Maurice Copithorne, has referred to these changes as “straws
in the wind”, implying that “improvement could be on the way.”63 Although
there is no evidence to attribute these changes to the actions of the CHR, it is
evidence that there is a slow and limited move in Iran to meet some of the
international norms and standards.
The changing nature of the Iranian rhetoric is a sign that international
norms have made an impact and that Iran seeks to portray a reputable international image. The first concern that needs to be distilled in arguing this
point is that the discussion of these changes, in no way implies that it is a
praiseworthy achievement. It is in my view simply a measurement of the
affect of international institutions. Afshari argues that when attention has
been given to the positive developments within Iran, it is common that no

59. United Nations, “Consideration of human rights issues produces 30 decisions in Third Committee,”
UN Chronicle, February 1986, v23, pp. 82-92
60. General Assembly Resolution 40/141 (1985).
61. It is customary for each resolution of the General Assembly to cite the Commission’s relevant resolution. This is to confirm the contents of the Commission’s resolution and to add a further appeal.
62. The most recent resolution made by the General Assembly on this agenda item was A/RES/53/158, 9
February 1999.
63. Interim Report on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, prepared by the Special
Representative of the Commission on Human Rights in accordance with General Assembly Resolution
51/107 and Economic and Social Council Decision 1997/264, A/52/472 (15 October 1997), paragraph
67.
Promoting a Culture of Human Rights 37

mention is made regarding the gravity of the human rights abuses taking
place.64 He notes that Western scholars partake in conferences and scholarly
initiatives with Iran and in most cases completely neglect their responsibilities. He argues that the ‘recognised’ scholars participating in these initiatives have taken a “yes…but” approach, meaning that they accept that Iran
has an appalling human rights records “but” that there are “positive politicalinstitutional developments” on which they place an overriding emphasis.
Afshari states that such an accommodationist approach: “[l]eads to the acceptance of the public pronouncements of the actors within the system at
face value” and that “such studies offer a fig leaf of respectability to the
Islamist regime by constructing the political discourse in terms of system
building.”65 I accept the concerns that Afshari raises and have noted them in
an effort to dissociate my focus on the Iranian statements with other similar
studies that have been carried out that ignore human rights. My motive for
analysing Iranian public statements is that they demonstrate (admittedly at
face value) that Iran has altered its rhetoric to adopt an international human
rights language. Focusing on this change in no way diminishes the gravity of
the human rights situation. Rather, I view this as an important indication that
the CHR has been successful in the diffusion of normative standards and this
has begun to impact on Iran at a basic level.
The Iranian government’s position on human rights issues demonstrates a
distinct change in tone, particularly during the early 1990s. During the 1980s
Iranian statements denigrated the CHR and the United Nations. One starkly
denigrating statement against the United Nations in 1982 was the statement
of an Iranian spokesperson that Iran: “rejected expressions of concerns for
human rights, declaring that “[o]ur people have decided to remain free and
independent and Islamic and not be fooled by the imperialist myth of human
rights.”66 In 1986 Iran wrote to the Chairman of the Commission on Human
Rights stating that the Commission’s decisions lacked credibility as it was
politically driven organisation, commenting that: “[s]uch politicization of
humanitarian matters was totally unacceptable.”67 After the ratification of
the Declaration against religious intolerance, Iran commented in what seemed
to be a patronising tone that the CHR was a secular organisation and was not
in a position to make decisions on religious matters. A stunning change of
tone occurs in the 1990s, when it describes the Commission on Human Rights
as an “august body”.68 In 1994, Iran makes a complete turnaround on its
view of human rights, stating that: “[Human Rights] are thus universal,
independent of conditions, transcend all boundaries, be they temporal or

64. Reza Afshari, “An Essay on Scholarship, Human Rights, and State Legitimacy: The Case of the Islamic
Republic of Iran,” Human Rights Quarterly, 18, 1996, pp. 544-593.
65. Ibid., p. 581.
66. Martin Wright, ed., Iran: The Khomeini Revolutution, London: Longman, 1989, p. 35.
67. United Nations. Yearbook for 1986, New York: United Nations, 1987, p. 757.
38 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

geographical, and do not lend themselves to distinctions of race, sex or other
superficial attributes and barriers.” 69 This recognition and rhetorical
acceptance of human rights standards continued. For instance in 1998 stating
that: “The government of Iran is fully committed to the promotion of human
rights.” These statements at least are an indication of the adoption of the
‘language of human rights’ and this in my opinion demonstrates that the CHR
can be considered as a variable in the normative influence that it has had on
Iran.
Another sign that could be considered as part of the development towards
the recognition of human rights standards is the government sponsored Human Rights Commission within Iran. As has been discussed, the CHR has
passed resolutions encouraging governments to set up human rights national
and regional institutions to more directly monitor the implementation of international human rights within states. It could be argued that the Islamic
Human Rights Commission cannot be administered without the strict control
of government, giving it somewhat of a farcical puppet role. Yet, despite this
paramount concern I would argue that at least there is a skeletal institution
that can over time develop its capability. On the same note, the international
community should not be satisfied with this development as such appraisal
could give the message to Iran that a limited response such as forming the
Iranian Commission will satisfy its commitments to the regime. It is a difficult line to tread but the wrong message could create a hazardous approval of
Iran’s neglect in responding to concerns of human rights abuse.
The gradual integration of human rights rhetoric by the Iranian government is indicative of the normative influence of human rights. I argue that
the conference on human rights, the articles published in its leading international journal regarding human rights,70 the changing nature of its international rhetoric through its statements, the establishment of the Iranian Commission on Human Rights are all signs that the work of the Commission has
had some sort of normative affect. As Mayer notes: “[t]he impact of human
rights ideals is proving so potent that governments are increasingly trying to
co-opt human rights, offering concessions, albeit only cosmetic ones. To
demands that they show respect for rights.”71 Again, I want to stress that
these signs are by no means congratulatory, lest we neglect the continuing
suffering experienced daily by the Bahá’í community and other persecuted
68. Mr Mostafa Alaee, Member of the Delegation of the Islamic Republic of Iran before the Third Committee on Agenda Item: 112 (c) Human rights situations and report of Special Rapporteurs and Representatives, New York, November 19, 1997. This document can be found on the internet: found on the
internet: http://www.un.international/iran/statements/3ga/3ga52007.htmhttp://www.un.international/
iran/statements/3ga/3ga52007.htm
69. Iranian government statement of 15 August 1994 to the Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. This was cited in the report of the Special Representative in 1995, E/
CN.4/1995/55, paragraph 76.
70. See, for instance, Hossein Mehrpour, “Islam and Human Rights,” The Iranian Journal of International
Affairs, Vol. VIII, No.4, Winter 1996-97, pp. 729-760.
Promoting a Culture of Human Rights 39

sections of the population. They are merely a means of accounting for the
minimal impact that the Commission and the human rights regime has had in
diffusing international human rights norms.

Conclusion
The U.N Special Representative suggested that a change could be on the
way within Iran towards a recognition of human rights standards. I argue
that there are indications, albeit at face value, that Iran is altering its international image. The internal conditions, however, continue to represent an unmistakably contradictory picture. The Commission generates an international
climate through promoting and elevating human rights standards. Through
direct and collective diplomatic action, the Commission on Human Rights
has led the pressure in the field of norm promotion on the situation of the
human rights of the Bahá’ís in Iran. Although at the stage of weak interaction, the Commission has been successful in receiving slightly improved responses from the government. In terms of the pattern of the persecution of
the Bahá’í community there has been a clear decline in the number of executions, however the overall situation has been maintained and in some cases
has worsened. I have argued that the CHR, through promoting a culture of
human rights, should be considered as a variable in influencing Iran towards
change.

71. Ann E. Mayer, op.cit., p. 183.
40 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Developing the
Secretariat of a Local
Spiritual Assembly
Paul Friedman

I. Introduction
In His Most Holy Book, the Kitáb-i-Aqdas, Bahá’u’lláh established the
institution of local Houses of Justice:

“The Lord hath ordained that in every city a House of Justice be established wherein shall gather counsellors to the number of Baha...”1

In their current embryonic stage of development, Local Houses of Justice
are known as Spiritual Assemblies.2 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá has assured us that He
will defend and protect Assemblies.3 Shoghi Effendi has called Assemblies
“the representatives and custodians of the Faith of Bahá’u’lláh” and the “chief
sinews of Bahá’í society”.4
Bahá’u’lláh explained that teaching was one of the key functions of the
Spiritual Assembly:

“When in session it behooveth them to converse, on behalf of the servants of God, on matters dealing with the affairs and interests of the public. For instance, teaching the Cause of God must be accorded precedence, inasmuch as it is a matter of paramount importance, so that thereby
all men may enter the pavilion of unity and all the peoples of the earth be
regarded even as a single body...”5

‘Abdu’l-Bahá has clarified a number of the functions of an Assembly above
and beyond teaching:
1 Bahá’u’lláh. The Kitáb-i-Aqdas. The Most Holy Book. Bahá’í World Centre, Haifa: 1993. P. 29.
2 Shoghi Effendi. God Passes By, Bahá’í Publishing Trust: Wilmette, 1965. P. 331.
3 Shoghi Effendi. God Passes By, P. 332.
4 Shoghi Effendi. God Passes By, Bahá’í Publishing Trust: Wilmette, 1965. P. 331.
5 The Local Spiritual Assembly, Compilation by the Universal House of Justice. Quote from Bahá’u’lláh.
P. 11.
Developing the Secretariat of a Local Spiritual Assembly 41

“Discussions must all be confined to spiritual matters that pertain to
the training of souls, the instruction of children, the relief of the poor, the
help of the feeble throughout all classes in the world, kindness to all peoples, the diffusion of the fragrances of God and the exaltation of His Holy
Word.”6

In a letter to several National Spiritual Assemblies the Guardian listed the
principal duties of Spiritual Assemblies:

“The matter of Teaching … constitute by no means the only issue which
should receive the full attention of these Assemblies. A careful study of
Bahá’u’lláh’s and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s Tablets will reveal that other duties,
no less vital to the interests of the Cause, devolve upon the elected representatives of the friends in every locality. It is incumbent upon them to be
vigilant and cautious, discreet and watchful, and protect at all times the
Temple of the Cause from the dart of the mischief-maker and the onslaught
of the enemy. They must endeavour to promote amity and concord amongst
the friends, efface every lingering trace of distrust, coolness and estrangement from every heart, and secure in its stead an active and whole-hearted
cooperation for the service of the Cause. They must do their utmost to
extend at all times the helping hand to the poor, the sick, the disabled, the
orphan, the widow, irrespective of colour, caste and creed. They must
promote by every means in their power the material as well as spiritual
enlightenment of youth, the means for education of children, institute,
whenever possible, Bahá’í educational institutions...”7

The Assembly, much like a Board of Directors of a company, carries out
its work on three levels:

• Leadership: Creating new and exciting directions for the Bahá’í community
An example of leadership might be the creation of a Four Year Plan for
the local Bahá’í community from the National and International Four Year
Plan. The Guardian told us that:

“The first quality of leadership both among individuals and Assemblies is the capacity to use the energy and competence that exist in the
rank and file of its followers.”8

6 The Local Spiritual Assembly. Quote from ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. P. 14.
7 The Local Spiritual Assembly. Quote from Shoghi Effendi. P. 15.
8 The Local Spiritual Assembly. Quote from Shoghi Effendi. P. 22.
42 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

• Management: Improving the system, policies or goals.
An example of management might be the appointment, training and monitoring of an External Affairs Committee to handle public relations with
the media and dignitaries.

• Administration: Carrying out the policies and decisions of the Assembly.
Examples of administration include finding feast hosts, supervising cleaning of the Bahá’í centre and insuring that the librarian receives allotted
funds to purchase books.

Many Assemblies become so bogged down in administration that they
have insufficient time and energy to devote to the activities which can only
be performed by the full Assembly: leadership and management.
This paper will describe the background for delegating administrative
activities of the Assembly to a secretariat.

II. Delegation by Assemblies and Bahá’í Institutions
The Guardian explained the necessity for Assemblies to delegate work
when he said:

“In whatsoever locality the Cause has sufficiently expanded, and in
order to insure efficiency and avoid confusion, each of these manifold
functions will have to be referred to a special Committee, responsible to
that Assembly, elected by it from among the friends in that locality, and
upon whose work the Assembly will have to exercise constant and general
supervision.”9

In a letter to the National Assembly of the United States, Shoghi Effendi
described the benefits of strong and capable committees working under an
Assembly:

“I very highly approve of the arrangements you have made for centralizing the work in your hands and of distributing it to the various committees, who each in its own sphere, have so efficiently and thoroughly
undertaken the management of their own affairs.”10

Shoghi Effendi further described the functioning of national Bahá’í committees:

9 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. Bahá’í Publishing Trust: Wilmette, 1968. P. 39.
10 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. P. 28.
Developing the Secretariat of a Local Spiritual Assembly 43

“...the role of these [national] committees… is chiefly to make thorough and expert study of the issue entrusted to their charge, advise by
their reports, and assist in the execution of the decisions, which in vital
matters are to be exclusively and directly rendered by the National Assembly.”11

The Guardian warned National Assemblies against:

“...the evils of overcentralization, which clog, confuse and in the long
run depreciate the value of the Bahá’í services rendered shall on one
hand be entirely avoided, and on the other the perils of utter decentralization with the consequent lapse of governing authority from the hands of
the national representatives of the believers definitely averted. The absorption of the petty details of Bahá’í administration by the personnel of
the National Spiritual Assembly is manifestly injurious to efficiency and
an expert discharge of Bahá’í duties, whilst the granting of undue discretion to bodies that should be regarded in no other light than that of expert
advisers and executive assistants would jeopardize the very vital and pervading powers that are the sacred prerogatives of bodies that in time will
evolve into Bahá’í National Houses of Justice.”12

The Guardian spoke of his need for an International Bahá’í Secretariat
with both advisory and executive capacities to assist him in his manifold
duties.13 He also alerted us to the limits of delegation by Local Assemblies:

“The Local Spiritual Assembly cannot delegate to any one of the local
committees the authority to exercise any control or supervision over any
other committee which it has itself appointed. All local committees are
directly and solely responsible to the Local Assembly which alone can
exercise the power of supervision over them.”14

The Universal House of Justice has clarified the role of administrative
committees of Spiritual Assemblies:

“...The Local Spiritual Assembly could be authorized to appoint an
administrative committee in each of a number of sub-units of the city; and
these committees could deal with the urgent needs of the friends in these
areas on behalf of the Assembly... In such a decentralized system, the

11 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. P. 41.
12 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. P. 142.
13 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. P. 115.
14 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. 1993 edition. Letter written on behalf of
Shoghi Effendi, 16 February 1939. P. 3.17.
44 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Local Spiritual Assembly would have to provide for the overall coordination of the efforts of the friends in all sub-units of the city.”15

Delegation to local Bahá’í committees often fails. Typical reasons for a
committee to fail include:

• Members not sufficiently united; unable to agree on meeting dates, formats, roles of committee members.

• Lack of effective leadership on the committee: leader cannot get members working together.

• Insufficient commitment to tasks and objectives: committee members lack
the initiative to sustain their work.

• Poor consultation skills: one member dominates the committee or several
members argue.

The Assembly, as manager of its committees, must take ultimate responsibility for their success or failure. Often Assemblies merely re-appoint new
members onto the same committee, hoping that this will solve the difficulties. Unfortunately the same problems re-emerge despite the new membership.
If local Bahá’í committees are functioning well, the need for a proper
secretariat will be reduced because much activity will be planned and implemented outside of the Assembly.

III. Role of the Assembly in Developing the Human Resources
to Advance the Cause
The Guardian made it clear that Assemblies had to enlist the support of
their communities to advance the Faith of Bahá’u’lláh:

“...if genuine and sustained cooperation and mutual confidence cease
to exist between individual friends and their local and national communities, the all-beneficent work of the Cause must cease and nothing else can
enable it to function harmoniously and effectively in future.”16

Shoghi Effendi emphasized that close fellowship and consultation with
individual believers is mandatory for Assemblies:

15 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. Letter from the Universal House of
Justice. P. 3.18.
16 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. P. 28.
Developing the Secretariat of a Local Spiritual Assembly 45

“...the keynote of the Cause of God is not dictatorial authority but
humble fellowship, not arbitrary power, but the spirit of frank and loving
consultation... Their function is not to dictate but to consult, and consult
not only among themselves, but as much as possible with the friends whom
they represent... They should, within the limits of wise discretion, take the
friends into their confidence, acquaint them with their plans, share with
them their problems and anxieties, and seek their advice and counsel.”17

The Guardian specified that Assemblies “have the sacred obligation to
help, advise, protect and guide the believers...”.18

IV. Role of the Assembly Secretary
Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand lists a number
of duties of the Assembly secretary.19 Let us examine these one-by-one with
respect to the estimated time commitment from each duty, the potential for
delegation and possible methods for facilitating performance. Unless a quotation from the Writings is cited, the views expressed represent the opinions
of the author.
This section applies to and is written for a large or rapidly-growing local
Bahá’í community in which the duties for the secretary are expanding beyond the capacity of the current secretary. It may not be applicable to a small
and static Bahá’í community.

Duty 1: “Prepares agenda for the Assembly meetings usually in
consultation with the Chairman.”20
Preparing an agenda for meeting is relatively easy when the work of the
Assembly is highly systematic; when action plans related to goals are accurate and executed on time and to the requisite quality.
Given the confidential nature of some Assembly business, the scope for
delegation to non-Assembly members is limited.

Duty 2: “Records all minutes of the Assembly meetings and the
Annual Meeting (this may be done by a recording secretary).”21
For a fluent typist the time commitment to produce minutes for a single
meeting is not great. If the secretary is not a fluent typist, a single set of
minutes might take hours to produce. Dictation is more rapid than typing but
it takes some practice to acquire dictation skills and any non-assembly members typing the minutes must be trustworthy to maintain confidentiality. Some

17 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. P. 63-64.
18 The Local Spiritual Assembly. Quote from Shoghi Effendi. P. 16.
19 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
20 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
21 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
46 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Bahá’í secretaries type minutes on portable computers during the meeting
instead of taking notes with pen and paper; this represents a very efficient
way to record the minutes. Not everyone, however, can type minutes while
attempting to participate in the consultation. Likewise portable computers
are more expensive than non-portable computers. The Assembly can meet in
places equipped with computers to avert the need to access a portable computer. Minutes can then be taken on computer and recorded on a floppy diskette, which can later be edited by the secretary in his or her own computer.
In general many of the duties of the Assembly secretary lie in written
communication. Hence a person elected secretary could justify investing
time to improve her or his typing and word-processing skills, which could be
used to advantage in many areas of life outside of service to the Faith. Computer-based typing training is an enjoyable and easy way to learn or improve
typing skills.
The Guidelines clearly state that the Assembly can appoint a recording
secretary to take minutes. This is a simple way to reduce the workload on
the secretary.
The Guidelines state that Assembly minutes must be reviewed, if necessary
corrected, and then approved by the entire Assembly.22 The secretary should
send a copy of every set of minutes to the National Spiritual Assembly.23

Duty 3: “Receives mail for the Assembly and presents
communications of all kinds to the Assembly at the next
meeting.”24
Bahá’í Assemblies are encouraged to use post boxes rather than private
addresses of Bahá’ís. The chore of clearing a post box does not need to fall
on the secretary. Anyone can clear the post box provided they deliver the
correspondence promptly to the secretary without opening letters, some of
which may be confidential. The task of clearing a letter box should be delegated if possible. It is also possible to delegate the filing of incoming correspondence to a non-Assembly member who observes confidentiality.
The ability to understand and action correspondence is an integral part of
the role of a Bahá’í secretary; this cannot be delegated to non-assembly members. Other Assembly members, however, could assist the secretary.

Duty 4: “Conveys all decisions of the Assembly, by
correspondence or other prescribed means, under the direction
of the Local Spiritual Assembly.”25
Although outward correspondence should go through the secretary, other
22 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.23.
23 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.24.
24 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
25 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
Developing the Secretariat of a Local Spiritual Assembly 47

Assembly members can be delegated to compose letters which are then edited, approved and signed by the secretary. Delegation can be according to
portfolios; the member whose portfolio is new believer deepening could write
letters to or about new believers.
People lacking practice in composing letters often find the task of writing
letters for the Assembly to be time-consuming and difficult. Writing letters
is an important skill which can be utilised both for Bahá’í activities and in
one’s occupation. Thus most Bahá’ís could easily justify investing their time
in training in composition of letters.
Bahá’ís lacking access to word-processing on computer are disadvantaged
with respect to writing letters. On a conventional typewriter editing is impossible, making it necessary to write or type a draft of the letter prior to
typing the final version. With word-processing, the draft is easily transformed
into the final copy without need for re-typing the text - only the changes are
entered. Therefore, Bahá’ís writing letters for the Assembly require training
and access to computer word-processing.
The Guidelines state that most correspondence from the Assembly should
be written; this provides a permanent record of what has been said.26

“The Assembly should strive for accuracy, clarity and overall excellence in its communications. If the secretary does not fully understand
the Assembly’s intent, a draft of the letter should be brought to the Assembly for approval.”27

Shoghi Effendi has warned secretaries to ensure their correspondence
conveys the decision of the full Assembly:

“Generally speaking the Secretary of an Assembly must be careful to
convey exactly what the majority decision or advice of the body was. There
can surely be no objection to his putting it in proper terms and clarifying
the matter according to the decisions or instructions of the Assembly.
But he should of course not introduce his own personal views unless endorsed by the Assembly.”28

In electing members to the Assembly, one of the desired qualities mentioned by the Guardian is a “well-trained mind.”29 The secretary of an Assembly requires a well-trained mind in order to write letters expressing the
view of the Assembly using courtesy, wisdom and tact.
Irrespective of who composes outgoing letters, Guidelines state that “All
26 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.24.
27 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.25.
28 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. Quote from Shoghi Effendi. P. 3.25.
29 The Local Spiritual Assembly. Quote from Shoghi Effendi. P. 9.
48 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

correspondence from the Local Spiritual Assembly should be signed by the
Secretary or, if approved by the Assembly, on behalf of the Secretary.”30

Duty 5: “Maintains a filing system for all correspondence,
community bulletins and so on.”31
On receiving inward correspondence the secretary reads each document
and either records it in a log of inward correspondence or delegates this recording and filing to an assistant. Using the time-management principal of
“handle each piece of paper only once if possible,” it is important for the
secretary to take immediate action on many items of inward correspondence.
To do this requires access to a photocopy machine. Thus when the secretary
receives a letter that pertains to the child education committee, she or he can
immediately photocopy the letter and dispatch this copy to the appropriate
people with a request ranging from “for your information” to “please read
this letter and report back to the Assembly.” The secretary can also enter
information required by the wider Bahá’í community into a computer-based
monthly report from the Assembly in the local Bahá’í newsletter. This fulfils the Assembly’s responsibility to inform the community of important information and can reduce the amount of time spent at Feast making simple
announcements.
By making an immediate decision on incoming correspondence and
actioning that decision, the secretary can dramatically reduce the amount of
time that the full Assembly needs to spend informing believers and committees of relevant information.

Duty 6: “Advises members of the community where and when
the Nineteen Day Feasts will be held (this job may be done by a
Feast Committee, if the Assembly so decides.”32
The secretary, in conjunction with Feast committee and newsletter, sets
and announces dates and venues for Feasts. This is an easy task requiring
very little time.

Duty 7: “Prepares agenda and materials to be shared with or
distributed to the community at Feasts.”33
This task is tied in with the basic communication function of the secretary. It can be shared with other members, particularly the chairman. The
time expenditure on this task is minimal. An assistant can photocopy materials for distribution to the believers attending Feast.

30 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.26.
31 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
32 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
33 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
Developing the Secretariat of a Local Spiritual Assembly 49

Duty 8: “Makes notes of recommendations made at the
Nineteen Day Feast and presents them to the Assembly at the
next meeting. The community should be advised of any
action taken or consideration given to such
recommendations.” 34
Since the secretary would ordinarily attend Feasts, no additional time
is spent recording Feast recommendations. Likewise presenting Feast
recommendations to the Assembly requires no additional time or effort.
Either task could be delegated to another Assembly member. Perhaps the
most challenging component of duty 8 is reporting back to the community when the Assembly has not approved a Feast recommendation - explaining the reasoning is often difficult and some of the friends may become upset that their ideas have been rejected. It is also difficult to explain why the Assembly has not reached a decision about a Feast recommendation; the Assembly can state that it is investigating the recommendation but in many cases the final result of this investigation is not reported back to the Assembly. A formal system of recording Feast recommendations and the dates on which the community is notified of the final
Assembly decision may be helpful to keep track of the outcome of Feast
recommendations.

Duty 9: “Maintains an up-to-date list of the names, addresses
and telephone numbers of all members of the community.”35

Duty 10: “Advises the Bahá’í National Office of all
enrolments, transfers, changes of address and changes in
personal status of believers (marriages, divorces, deaths,
etc).”36
There is nothing confidential about a community address list, provided
the list is not distributed to people for purposes outside of official Bahá’í
use. Hence, the keeping of a community address list can be delegated to
a person outside the Assembly; this could include a non-Bahá’í working
for the secretary. The key feature is that information about changes in
address and phone numbers are sent to the person maintaining the list,
who then forwards information to the National Bahá’í Office and other
Bahá’í communities receiving transferred members. Address changes
should also appear in the local Bahá’í newsletter.
If an address list is computerised, it can be updated and reprinted easily. In addition computer-printed mailing labels can be created quickly,
reducing the workload for the local newsletter editors.
34 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
35 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
36 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
50 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Duty 11: “Sends out written notices of the Annual Meeting so
that they are received at least fifteen days prior to the date of
the meeting on 21 April. Ballots and a list of believers eligible
to vote must be enclosed.”37
This is a simple task which can be delegated. The person who maintains the address list is ideally placed to create a ballot listing eligible
voters.

Duty 12: “Keeps a permanent file of National newsletter and
other Bahá’í periodicals to which the Assembly subscribes
(this job may be done by the librarian if the Assembly so
directs).”38
This job is best delegated to a Bahá’í librarian - an Assembly member
does not need to be involved.

Duty 13: “Maintains a file or book of press clippings of all
publicity on the Faith (this job may be done by the publicity
committee, public information officer, archives officer or
other assigned person, if the Assembly so directs).”39
This task is best delegated to a non-assembly member such as the archives officer or office of external affairs.

Duty 14: “Receives periodic reports from committees as well
as expected responses to the Assembly’s communications.”40
As the port of call for incoming correspondence, the secretary would
naturally receive reports of this nature and reports these back to the full
Assembly, making recommendations if further action is needed (e.g. to
further train the committee).

Duty 15: “Brings to the meeting files, correspondence, the
Guidelines for Local Spiritual Assemblies, and any other relevant
Writings. A useful source of reference is Lights of Guidance,
1988 edition.” 41
Given that the secretary generally keeps the files and correspondence
in her or his home for easy access, it is no extra work to bring such information to Assembly meetings. If the Guidelines are available for a computer file then simply bringing a computer to the Assembly meetings will
supply the Guidelines.

37 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
38 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
39 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
40 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
41 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
Developing the Secretariat of a Local Spiritual Assembly 51

Duty 16: “If possible, so that members can be well prepared
to consult at the Assembly meetings, it is helpful for the
secretary to prepare a report consisting of a list of items to
be considered at the forthcoming meeting, with brief
background information pertaining to each item, and a
resume of correspondence handled by the secretary between
meetings. This will be helpful both for the information of the
Assembly members and for saving time at each meeting.” 42
This function cannot easily be delegated to other Assembly members.
The ability to prepare a concise summary of each agenda item is developed through experience both inside and outside the Faith. Secretaries
lacking such experience will spend much more time and effort in preparing for a meeting than those with greater experience.

V. From Assembly Secretary to Secretariat
Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand offers
two options for assisting the secretary whose workload has grown and
may be struggling:

“The Assembly may choose to divide the duties of the Secretary
among more than one person. For example, the Assembly may elect a
Recording Secretary to record the minutes and do the filing; to be
responsible for recording births, deaths and marriages; and for communicating with the National Spiritual Assembly about address
changes, enrolments and transfers of membership. Another option is
to have a three-member Secretariat including the Chair, the Secretary
and the Recording Secretary, which would assume many secretarial
duties for the Assembly. Some duties may be delegated to a committee or individual, e.g. publicity. Each Assembly is free to determine
the details of handling this work, the number of officers and the responsibilities of its officers.”43

Many local Assemblies have taken the first option of appointing recording secretaries; relatively few have taken the second option of appointing a secretariat. References to the term secretariat in the Writings
of the Guardian and the Universal House of Justice are largely confined
to the National Secretariats serving National Spiritual Assemblies. I was
unable to find references to local Bahá’í secretariats in the Mars for Windows CD compilation of fifty Bahá’í books published by Crimson Publication in San Juan Capistrano, California.

42 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
43 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 3.6-3.8.
52 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

VI. Experience of the Hamilton, New Zealand Assembly
Secretariat in 1993
The Hamilton Spiritual Assembly, like many others, faced the challenge
of finding a member willing and able to serve as secretary. After the annual
meeting at Ridvan 1993 the new Assembly developed a secretariat. Information about how this occurred and preliminary evaluation of the effects of the
secretariat is beyond the scope of this paper but a summary of main points is
now provided.
Our initial secretariat consisted of the Chairman, Secretary and Treasurer. Time pressure on the chairman forced him to leave the secretariat; he
was replaced by another member.
The secretariat aimed to meet at least once a fortnight, depending on its
duties. It would time its meetings to ensure that full assembly meetings did
not need to address matters related to implementing assembly decisions and
policies.
The first draft of terms of reference for the secretariat were:

• Ensure the timely implementation of assembly decisions and policies.

• Meet regularly with believers, particularly those holding key positions
(e.g. deepening coordinator, children’s class coordinator) to harness their
energies and skills for service to the Bahá’í community.

• Train and supervise non-assembly members serving on committees or as
officers of the assembly.

• Committee actions would be limited to carrying out local and national
assembly decisions and policies, dealing with urgent situations that do
not require consultation by the full assembly, encouraging, supervising
and training believers.

Expected outcomes of the secretariat:

• Assembly decisions implemented fully and rapidly provided no unforseen
obstacles arose (e.g. insufficient funds to carry out assembly decisions).

• Bahá’í events and projects carried out to a high spiritual and professional
standard.

• Full assembly meetings focused on management and leadership rather
than petty administrative matters.
Developing the Secretariat of a Local Spiritual Assembly 53

• Non-assembly members develop their administrative capabilities, enabling
them to achieve higher levels of service to the Faith. This may enhance
the employment potential for Bahá’ís seeking paid employment.

• Major improvements in child education, deepening and teaching due to
better planning and administration.

The secretariat soon developed modified terms of reference:

• Foster and monitor implementation of Assembly decisions

• Evaluate the effects of Assembly decisions

• Find the facts about situations so that relevant information is available to
the full Assembly

• Cull the agenda

• Support the secretary

In July, 1993 the Assembly directed the Secretariat to bring together into
one document the Hamilton Three Year Plan. As the secretariat met it became more capable of resolving issues over the telephone, thereby reducing
the need for further meetings. The secretary felt empowered to take action to
implement Assembly policies, which led to more expeditious handling of
administrative matters. Other Assembly members not on the secretariat also
were empowered to take on tasks to assist the Assembly.

VI. Final Comments
Bahá’í administration remains in an embryonic phase. The Guardian’s
secretary explained that:

“...the existing imperfections in the administrative machinery of the
Cause … should be attributed not to the administrative system itself, but
to the administrators of the Faith, who by reason of their human limitations and imperfections can never hope to entirely fulfil those ideal conditions set forth in the Teachings. Much of the existing defects in the
present-day activities of the believers, however, will as the Community
develops and gains in experience be gradually removed, and healthier
and more progressive conditions prevail”.44

We must all heed the Guardian’s warning that:
54 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

“...administrative activities, however harmoniously and efficiently
conducted, are but means to an end, and should be regarded as direct
instruments for the propagation of the Bahá’í Faith. Let us take heed in
our great concern for the perfection of the administrative machinery of
the Cause, we lose sight of the Divine Purpose for which it has been
created. Let us be on our guard lest the growing demand for specialization in the administrative functions of the Cause detain us from joining
the ranks of those who in the forefront of battle are gloriously engaged in
summoning the multitude to this New Day of God.”45

Shoghi Effendi told us that:

“...prior to every conceivable measure destined to raise the efficiency
of our administrative activities, more vital than any scheme which the
most resourceful amongst us can devise, far above the most elaborate
structure which the concerted efforts of organized Assemblies can hope
to raise, is the realization down in the innermost heart of every true believers of the regenerating power, the supreme necessity, the unfailing
efficacy of the Message he bears... naught else can provide the driving
force and sustaining power that are both so essential to the success of
vast and enduring achievements.”46

Local Bahá’í communities in New Zealand are ready to enter a new phase
in the process of their maturation. To achieve this the Assemblies must reach
greater heights of leadership, management and administration. The challenge is to implement a system which fosters the maturation of the Assembly
and community. Developing the role of the secretary, which may be assisted
by a secretariat, is an important step in this process.

44 Guidelines for the Local Spiritual Assembly in New Zealand. P. 1.5.
45 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. P. 103.
46 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. P. 111-112.

Maturation and Learning
in the Bahá’í Community1
David Levick

The Bahá’í Community has always been interested in the subject of
learning, and recent emphasis on the institute process has heightened
awareness of the need for both individuals and communities, as a whole,
to become more knowledgeable about methods by which we learn. This
paper examines a range of current thinking about how we ‘come to know’,
and suggests some approaches that could prove useful, whether to the
institute process, or to learning directed at other specific activities, such
as service on a Local Spiritual Assembly.
Bahá’ís act in and make meaning of their personal and shared worlds
from knowledge generated in many different paradigms, but when it comes
to Bahá’í decision-making, it is a constructivist paradigm which seems
most consistent with the theoretical description of consultation. For ease
of decision-making then, it would be useful for Bahá’ís to become adept
at moving from whatever paradigms they currently hold to a constructivist
one during the process of consultation, rather than attempt to converse
across paradigms.
To move comfortably and consciously from one paradigm-for-action
to this constructivist paradigm-for-decision-making, and back, requires
consciousness and learning about how we come ‘to know’, what influences this ‘knowing’ and what we value as ‘knowledge’, as opposed to
‘vain imaginings’ or ‘idle fancies’.
Understanding this movement between paradigms and the tentativeness of our knowledge is suggested as a sign of maturity. This maturity
is indicated by critical reflection on what, how and why we think the
way we do, and act the way we do, in our personal and shared worlds, as
well as the ability to adopt the appropriate paradigm at the appropriate
time. This critical consciousness liberates and emancipates the individual

1. This paper was first presented as a thesis for a Bachelor of Applied Science (Honours) with major
studies in Social Ecology at the University of Western Sydney, Hawkesbury. The author has commenced Doctoral studies which include the Bahá’í community’s application of the theory contained
within its writings.
56 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

and institutions from the prison of uncritical thinking and acting, from
being trapped within a single, albeit seemingly effective paradigm. It is
a manifestation of fair-mindedness and justice, the “best beloved of all
things in My sight.” 2
To explore this concept of critical consciousness and learning might
be useful to Bahá’ís, who anticipate the inevitable ‘maturation’ of their
decision-making institutions around the turn of the century (synchronising with the completion of the building projects at the Bahá’í World Centre
and establishment of the Lesser Peace)3 and who have embarked on a
global learning program through ‘institutes’ or ‘centres of learning’.

Paradigms
Paradigms are not simply worldviews. They are the context for our
making sense of our being, our doing and our thinking. They dictate the
methods we use to find out about our world. They are often invisible to
our consciousness. According to Guba,4 a paradigm is bounded by perceptions of the nature of reality, the nature of how we find out about that
reality and the nature of the relationship between the knower and what
can be known about ‘reality’.
What individuals accept as the nature of ‘reality’ (ontology) can be
quite different. Some accept a realist ontology (reality exists ‘out there’).
Others hold to a critical realist ontology, believing reality exists ‘out
there’ but can never be fully apprehended. Still others hold to a relativist ontology (‘realities’ exist in the form of multiple mental constructions, dependent on the persons who hold them).
The nature of how we find out about ‘reality’ (methodology) can be
just as diverse. Some hold to an experimental/manipulative approach in
which hypotheses are stated in advance and subjected to empirical tests
under carefully controlled conditions. Others hold to a dialogictransformative approach, by which they seek to eliminate ‘false’ consciousness and to energise, facilitate and transform them. Still others
hold to a hermeneutic-dialectic approach, through which individual constructions are elicited and refined, compared and contrasted through discussion, with the aim of generating one construction on which there is
substantial consensus.5 A hermeneutic approach attempts to recover and
interpret the meanings of social actions from the point of view of those
who performed them, as opposed to the point of view of onlookers.6 Dick
2. Bahá’u’lláh, The Hidden Words. 11th ed. Wilmette: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1990.
3. Shoghi Effendi, letter dated October 1, 1954, Messages to the Bahá’í World 1950-1957, Wilmette:
Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1954, p.74.
4. E.G. Guba, ‘The Alternative Paradigm Dialog’ in E.G. Guba, (ed) The Paradigm Dialog, Newbury
Park, Sage Publications, 1990.
5. Ibid., p.27.
6. J. Higgs, Qualitative Research: Discourse on Methodologies, Sydney: Hampden Press, 1988, p.6.
Maturation and Learning in the Bahá’í Community 57

writes, “Dialectical processes use disagreements to generate agreement”.7
Following this pattern of diversity, the nature of the relationship between the knower and what can be known (epistemology) reveals such
stances as those of the dualist/objectivist (‘I am distinct from reality’),
the modified objectivist (‘the distinction between reality and I is blurred’)
and the subjectivist (‘I am a part of my reality’).
Each of these components of a paradigm – ontology, methodology
and epistemology – are interwoven to offer a sensible way both to understand our personal and shared worlds, to predict what will happen in
those worlds, and to act accordingly. Labels for various combinations of
these ontologies, methodologies and epistemologies include: positivist,
post-positivist, critical theorist and constructivist paradigms. Each offers unique ways in which to understand the world and make predictions
about it, thus affecting the way we act in the world. It is suggested that
because we use paradigms in every decision we make throughout the
day, they become second nature to us, especially if they offer successful
ways of dealing with the world and people around us. In becoming second nature, they become invisible.

The paradigm for Bahá’í decision-making (consultation)
A case for the Bahá’í Faith operating within a constructivist paradigm can be developed from the ‘theory’ contained within the Bahá’í
writings. Such a paradigm sees the nature of ‘truth’ and ‘reality’ as relative to each individual, not absolute. It follows – if each individual operates according to his or her own ‘reality’ – that, to find out about these
‘realities’, individual constructions need to be elicited and made explicit,
so that, through conversation, these ‘realities’ can be compared, contrasted, explored and modified, to generate a single construction of ‘reality’ on which there can be substantial consensus.8 Thus, the nature of
the relationship between the knower and what can be known is a subjectivist
one: knowledge is literally the creation of the process of the interaction
between the knower and his/her ‘reality’.

A relativist ontology
Bahá’u’lláh suggests the world of creation is not real at all: “The
world is but a show, vain and empty, a mere nothing, bearing the semblance of reality… the world is like the vapour in a desert which the
thirsty dreameth to be water and striveth after it with all his might, until

7. B. Dick, ‘Rigour Without Numbers – The Potential of Dialectical Processes as Qualitative Research
Tools’, a paper distributed at the XVIIIth Annual Meeting of Australian Social Psychologists,
Greenmount, Queensland, Australia, May 12-14, 1989.
8. E.G. Guba, ‘The Alternative Paradigm Dialog’.
58 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

when he cometh unto it, he findeth it to be mere illusion.”9
‘Abdu’l-Bahá also points out the relativity and tentativeness of ‘truth’,
stating that humanity itself creates a body of knowledge relative to its
level of capacity and understanding:

“For instance, great discoveries and announcements of former centuries are continually upset and discarded by the wise men of today.
Mathematicians, astronomers, chemical scientists continually disprove
and reject the conclusions of the ancients; nothing is fixed, nothing
final; everything is continually changing because human reason is
progressing along new roads of investigation and arriving at new
conclusions every day. In the future much that is announced and accepted as true now will be rejected and disproved. And so it will
continue ad infinitum.” 10

A subjectivist epistemology
Regarding the nature of the relationship between the knower and what
can be known, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá has spelled out the legitimacy of working
within a constructivist paradigm by stating that it is more important to
hold to a relative, shared ‘truth’ in unity than be disunited in holding to
different, subjective ‘truths’. He wrote that it is preferable to reach consensus on a ‘wrong’ decision than risk disunity by clinging stubbornly to
what one individual might perceive as being ‘right’.11
Seeming to confirm further the legitimacy of a subjective epistemology, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá writes: “What does it mean to investigate reality? It means that man must forget all hearsay and examine truth himself, for he does not know whether statements he hears are in accordance
with reality or not”.12
Further, in more abstruse and mystical prose, Bahá’u’lláh spells out
that it is important for the individual, when establishing a relationship
between himself or herself and ‘knowledge’ of the Divine Essence, to do
so subjectively and without the influence of such things as love or hate,
pre-conceived notions, traditions or knowledge held by present society. 13

A hermeneutic-dialectic methodology
Methodologically, both Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá have used the
word ‘consultation’ to encompass a hermeneutic-dialectic approach to
9. Bahá’u’lláh, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, Wilmette: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1987,
pp.328-329.
10. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace. 2nd ed. Wilmette: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1982.
11. See also ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Compilation of Compilations, Sydney: Bahá’í Publishing Australia, 1990, p.91.
12. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, p.62.
13. See also Bahá’u’lláh, The Kitáb-i-Íqán (The Book of Certitude), Wilmette: Bahá’í Publishing Trust,
1989, pp.192-195.
Maturation and Learning in the Bahá’í Community 59

‘finding out’, seeing merit in the clash of seemingly contradictory opinion as fruitful collisions of ideas from which a higher ‘truth’ might be
reached by way of synthesis and consensus.
‘Abdu’l-Bahá has stated that consultation is “not the mere voicing of
personal views”.14 He elaborated that “he who expresses an opinion should
not voice it as correct and right, but set it forth as a contribution to the
consensus of opinion, for the light of reality becomes apparent when two
opinions coincide.” 15 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá seems to use the positive imagery of
the ‘light’ of ‘reality’ to emphasise to Bahá’ís the higher value of a comment made as a contribution to shared understanding than one made to
voice what is correct and right. This reinforces the view that Bahá’ís
should place more value on a subjectivist epistemology than on a dualist
or objectivist one when seeking to arrive at a decision.
One commentator on this methodology of decision-making in the Bahá’í
community sees consultation as “neither a compromise nor the simple
addition of one thought to another: it is a new creation.”16

The unconscious process of decision-making
In the myriad decisions I make each day, it has been my experience
not to stop and consciously determine, for every decision, the influence
of how I have arrived at the decision, the paradigm I held, my values at
the time and the assumptions I was making, let alone consider whether
the decision would result in actions to satisfy my fundamental human
needs. 17 It has been my experience in 12 years of participation in Bahá’í
consultation (decision-making) that Bahá’ís too, as group decision-makers, do not consciously determine the method by which they arrived at a
decision, the paradigm in which they explored the issues associated with
it, their values at the time and the assumptions each was making. Availability of time among a group of volunteer decision-makers is a pressing
factor in limiting the level of consciousness that can be developed.

What is now important in the Bahá’í community?
The Bahá’í International Community is anticipating the maturation
of its administrative institutions to synchronise with the completion of
the building projects at the Bahá’í World Centre and the establishment
of the Lesser Peace. 18 The Universal House of Justice has suggested that
the Faith’s national and local institutions focus their attention on the
14. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, p.72.
15. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, The Promulgation of Universal Peace, p.72.
16. J.E. Kolstoe, Consultation – A Universal Lamp of Guidance, Oxford: George Ronald, 1985.
17. M. Max-Neef, A. Elizalde M. Hopenhayn, Human Scale Development: Conception, Application and
Further Reflections, London:Apex Press, 1991.
18. Shoghi Effendi, letter dated October 1, 1954, Messages to the Bahá’í World 1950-1957, Wilmette:
Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1954, p.74.
60 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

development of the role of the individual, on the quality of the functioning
of the local institutions and on the vitality of the local Bahá’í community.
It also suggested the formation of ‘institutes’ or ‘centres of learning’,
which have, as their goal “the raising up of large numbers of believers
who are trained to foster and facilitate the process of entry by troops
with efficiency and love.” 19
Maturation and learning, then, are stressed as important components
of the current focus of Bahá’í activity, in the context of the individual,
local institutions and local community. As proposed earlier, to move comfortably from one paradigm for action to a constructivist one for decision-making, and back, requires consciousness and learning about how
we come ‘to know’, what influences this ‘knowing’ and what we value
as ‘knowledge’.

Maturity
Some commentators consider ‘maturity’ to be the ability to be conscious and aware of these paradigm jumps and levels of learning, as well
as to be able to critique them. Such a perspective suggests that maturation of the Bahá’í institutions could be seen as the conscious ability of
their members to jump from their individually favoured paradigms to a
constructivist one for group decision-making, and back; to be conscious
of various levels of making-sense and how these influence the decision
being created; and to be able to critique these.
For instance, Brookfield links the notion of critical consciousness with
maturity when he writes: “An adult’s increasing sophistication can be
seen in his or her coming to see one’s own culture from a critical stance
and establishing loyalties that go beyond one’s immediate community.” 20
Mezirow too points out a link between greater consciousness and maturity. He writes that: “Critical awareness or critical consciousness is
‘becoming aware of our awareness’ and critiquing it… Critical consciousness – and particularly theoretical reflectivity – represents a uniquely
adult capacity and, as such, becomes realised through perspective transformation.”21
Bahá’u’lláh draws a link between maturity and understanding. He
writes: “For everything there is and will continue to be a station of perfection and maturity. The maturity of the gift of understanding is made
manifest through consultation”22
These commentaries on ‘maturity’ link it closely to understanding, to
greater consciousness, to critical consciousness. Thus, from the basic

19. Universal House of Justice, Ridván Message, 1996.
20. S. Brookfield, Developing Critical Thinkers, San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1987, p39.
21. J. Mezirow, ‘A critical theory of adult learning and education’ Adult Education, 32:1 (1981), pp.3-24.
22. Bahá’u’lláh, Compilation of Compilations, Sydney: Bahá’í Publishing Australia, 1990.
Maturation and Learning in the Bahá’í Community 61

pairing of maturity and learning can now be added the term ‘consciousness’ or awareness. Mezirow uses the word ‘awareness’ in relation to
adult learning: “Awareness of why we attach the meanings we do to
reality, especially to our roles and relationships – meanings often misconstrued out of the uncritically assimilated half-truths of conventional
wisdom and power relationships assumed as fixed – may be the most
significant, distinguishing characteristic of adult learning.” 23 Thus, he
links awareness with adult learning.
Bahá’u’lláh also introduces the notion of awareness when stating:
“The intent of what hath been revealed from the Pen of the Most High is
that consultation may be fully carried out among the friends, inasmuch
as it is and will always be a cause of awareness and of awakening and a
source of good and well-being.”24 So Bahá’u’lláh sees awareness as a
product of the Bahá’í decision-making process of consultation. The Bahá’í
notion of “mindfulness”25 and the practice of bringing “thyself to account each day” 26 could also be understood to be a call for consciousness about what one is doing, in practice, in relation to what one knows
one should do in theory.
In terms relevant to a Bahá’í institution, maturity would manifest itself as a consciousness by its members about the influence of:
• Their previous experience.
• The subject matter of what they are deciding.
• The method chosen to find out more about the issue at hand.
• Why they considered some aspects of the issue more important than others.
• The values that dictated this importance.
• The assumptions behind these values.
Being conscious of these aspects of their decision-making then places
them in a position to critique their stance at any of these levels, determining if a different method might be more appropriate, whether a different set of values would be more relevant, or whether the initial assumptions are unfounded.
These can be represented diagrammatically (Figure 1) as a nested set
of virtually invisible filters surrounding each individual (and group), influencing what is allowed to be ‘seen’ and ‘known’ about the world.
Consciousness can be defined as becoming aware of these filters and
appreciating how changing the nature of the filter can change the perspective on the issue at hand.

23. J. Mezirow, ‘A critical theory of adult learning and education’ Adult Education, 32:1 (1981), pp.3-24.
24. Bahá’u’lláh, Compilation of Compilations, Sydney: Bahá’í Publishing Australia, 1990.
25. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Star of the West, 8:9. 1917.
26. Bahá’u’lláh, The Hidden Words.
62 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Figure 1: A suggested model of the nested filters of invisible realms influencing our
perceptions of the world. Becoming conscious of their influence could lead to the
appreciation and understanding of the great diversity of perceptions about our
shared world.

Learning
Consciousness can also be applied to the concept of learning. The modes of
learning relevant to the theme at hand include experiential learning, that is,
learning to be; propositional learning: learning to know; and practical learning:
learning to do.
Propositional learning is the style most are familiar with through formal
institutions, such as schools, where teachers convey a body of knowledge to the
student and expect him or her to memorise it and understand its application.
Mathematics, chemistry and history are among the subjects often taught in this
way. For a Bahá’í, propositional learning is useful in memorising quotations
from the Bahá’í writings and in memorising prayers for personal recitation.
Practical learning is a different style. For instance, no matter how much
theory one learns about riding a bicycle, one will never be able to do it until one
gets on the bike and starts riding, falls off and gets back on until one gets accustomed to keeping balance. For a Bahá’í, practical learning is useful in performing the genuflections associated with the obligatory prayers. There is little
point in studying the theory of the genuflections: it is the attempted action,
which brings benefit to the supplicating person.
Experiential learning involves a process of learning theoretically about a
situation, experiencing it, reflecting upon that experience, refining one’s theoretical understanding of it, and re-engaging with the situation to act more appropriately in it. For Bahá’ís, this is particularly useful for such actions as
teaching the Faith, for consulting, for proclaiming the Faith, for presenting the
Faith through the Arts, for executing duties as an Assembly office bearer, for
parenting, for being good citizens, for being good sons and daughters.
It is this style of learning that appears to be at the heart of the Bahá’í ‘institute’ process:
Maturation and Learning in the Bahá’í Community 63

“The [institute] process unfolds as the group strives to deepen and train
receptive members of the population; actions and materials are revised,
based on their effectiveness; eventually, a progressively unfolding plan of
action emerges. This continual learning process is the central, driving force
of the institute’s program.”27

Experiential learning requires critical reflection, consciousness, awareness:
becoming conscious of what one has experienced, critiquing it and searching
for further theory to understand better the experience and how future action can
be modified for more effective and more satisfying experience. It is a cyclical
process, with the participant repeatedly moving through the phases of theory,
experience and reflection in a given context so that refinement of experience
and understanding, of being, are made.
Just as there would appear to be a nested set of filters which one’s perceptions of the world must traverse before reaching our understanding, some commentators propose a nested set of levels of learning. These three levels of learning have been referred to by some as cognition, meta-cognition and epistemiccognition.28
Maudsley describes “the process by which learners become aware of and
increasingly in control of habits of perception, inquiry, learning and growth that
they have internalised” as ‘meta-learning.’29 Bawden also refers to meta-learning, describing it as “learning about learning”. However, he suggests the learning shouldn’t stop there but reach the higher level of epistemic-learning, “the
domain of the philosophical beliefs that each of us holds as the context for what
we know and what we value.”30
Thus, learning or cognition relates to what we are learning. Meta-cognition
relates to how we are going about our learning, while epistemic-cognition relates to questions about why we are valuing these methods of learning and subject matter over other methods and subjects. For example, questions of relevance to the Australian Bahá’í Community at the epistemic level include: why
does it seem, in practice, that the positions of doctor and engineer are considered more prestigious than that of plumber and artist, and why does the Bahá’í
community in Australia seem to value university education over vocational education at a technical college or over an apprenticeship? It could be argued that
excellence can be achieved at each of these levels and in each of these fields.
Adding these levels of learning to the previous model gives the following
model (Figure 2).
27. International Teaching Centre, ‘Institute Training Programs’, 1995, p.40.
28. K. Kitchener, ‘Cognition, Meta-Cognition and Epistemic-Cognition: A Three-Level Model of Cognitive Processing’, Human Development No.26, 1983, pp.222-232; M. Salner, ‘Adult Cognitive and Epistemological Development in Systems Education’ in Systems Research, Vol.3:4 (1986), pp.225-232.
29. D. Maudsley, D., ‘A theory of meta-learning and principles of facilitation: An organismic perspective’,
Ph.D., University of Toronto,1979.
30. R. Bawden, ‘Systemic Development: A Learning Approach to Change’, an occasional paper for the
Centre for Systemic Development, University of Western Sydney, Hawkesbury, March 1995.
64 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Figure 2: A suggested model of the nested filters of invisible realms influencing
our perceptions of the world, along with the levels of learning which influence
our sense-making. Becoming conscious of these influences could lead to a
liberation of our thinking and acting in the world and our learning about it.

A conscious process of decision-making
Bringing the above strands together, it is proposed that a more conscious
(and thus mature) process of decision-making could be fostered in the Bahá’í
community through their centres of learning, if these institutes were to offer
a course whose subjects included:
• Propositional learning about paradigms and learning levels – to give participants the language by which to articulate and critique their experiences, paradigms, values, assumptions and levels of learning, and
• Experiential learning scenarios which cycled through the phases of presenting theory about Bahá’í consultation and the constructivist paradigm
(in particular), putting this theory into action in the real world by consulting about one or two specific topics (such as the delivery of a teaching
project or holding a stall at the local market) and reflecting on their experience of consultation to refine their understanding of the theory about it
and their past actions – with at least three repetitions of the cycle so that it
becomes more habitual for participants to critique consciously their thinking, acting and reflecting.
It is envisaged that a centre of learning would, through such a course,
facilitate self-directed learning among participants to liberate them from being
Maturation and Learning in the Bahá’í Community 65

at the mercy of other ‘knowers’ and their unconscious matrix of understanding,
and equip them with language and skills to think and act more consciously.
Such a course is suggested as a path by which members of Local and
National Spiritual Assemblies and their committees could foster their own
maturation and, thus, that of the institutions they serve on, as well as foster
the development of a learning community among the rank and file of the
Bahá’í Faith.
66 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Teaching the Faith in
Australia 1963-1975:
Personal Recollections
Hedi Moani

Introduction
As the last born of eight sons, I was the result of my parent’s final attempt
to gain the daughter they had always longed for. I was born on the 16th February 1944, in the Holy Year of the Centennial of the declaration of the Báb
in the district of Mazindarán. In this year, the first Seven Year Plan devised
by the beloved Guardian was launched, and a number of Bahá’í families from
Tehran, including the Ma’anis, responded to its call for pioneers and settled
on the shores of the Caspian Sea. Here in the vicinity of Amol (the scene of
the martyrdom of Quddús), in the village of Mahmood Abad, the pioneers
shared, in the style of the ‘long houses’ of the Dayaks of Borneo, the only
rental accommodation available in the area. This building, my birth-place
and first home, was none other than the tea drinking palace of the late Reza
Shah. Although the spirit of this pioneering venture was brave, laudable and
sacrificial, lack of forward planning and practical difficulties forced most of
the families to return to Tehran before the conclusion of the plan. My first
childhood memories are, therefore, of a life of relative ease spent in the Northern suburbs of Tehran in the early 1950s. We enjoyed the benefits of a large
and active Bahá’í community within the confines of a society traditionally
hostile to our Faith. In our neighbourhood Jews, Armenian Christians, Zoroastrians and Bahá’ís associated amicably with each other as well as the Moslem majority. Through travel, trade, literature, the printed media and the
cinema, we were also familiar with many aspects of life and civilisation of
the West.

The Ten Year Spiritual Crusade
With the advent of the Ten Year Plan in 1953, once again the family decided to venture into the field of pioneering. By 1963, five of my brothers
had settled in Africa, Arabia, Indonesia, Southeast Asia and Austria, while
Maturation and Learning in the Bahá’í Community 67

the two married brothers and their families remained in Tehran. My parents
and I pioneered to Damghan, a small and fanatical city, tracing its origins
some 3000 years back to the first capital of the ancient Medes. It was near
Damghan, at Cheshmih Ali (Ali’s spring), that on their journey to Khurásán,
Mullá Husayn and company set up camp. According to Nabíl, on this occasion a gust of wind caused the sudden fall of a great branch near their tents,
signalling, in the words of the Bábu’l-Báb, the downfall of Mohammad Shah.
Over a century later, that relic of the early Bábí history, laid at the bottom of
that large reservoir of water; intact and undisturbed.
My teenage years were mostly spent in Damghan, where, from the
tender age of ten I began to learn the meaning of blind prejudice, senseless persecution, and fear born of ignorance. As evident were the evidences of Bahá’u’lláh’s unfailing protection, and the invincible power of
God, ensuring the ultimate triumph of the Cause. Later in life I realised
the value of such lessons in the school of adversity, preparing me for the
unforeseen challenges of serving the Cause.

A Year in Southeast Asia
In 1962, two of my pioneering brothers returned to Iran for a brief
visit. Encouraged by their tales of adventure and service, two of my Bahá’í
classmates (Abol Fazel Beyzaee and Fereydoon Misaghian) and I decided
to pioneer to Southeast Asia. They went to Laos, and I ended up in Jakarta, after having spent a little time in Brunei. Here, at the home of
Minoo and Margarret Fozdar; I met uncle Yankee Lee Ong, the first
Malaysian Bahá’í of Chinese origin. Shortly after my arrival, because of
communist insurgencies, all expatriates were forced to evacuate the area.
We were taken aboard a Royal Air Force Hercules to a military base on
the island of Labuan and a few days later to Singapore. Soon after, I flew
to Jakarta, where I stayed for almost a year; learning English and adjusting to my first encounter with the rich cultures of Southeast Asia. This
first year overseas holds a special place in my heart. The magic of the Far
East has left me with many a treasured and indelible memory. The Bahá’í
pioneers in the area lived like members of an extended family. Their
recent successes in mass teaching in the Mentawei Islands, Sarawak and
other areas in the region, had generated much excitement and anticipation throughout the Bahá’í world. It was here that I had the honour of
meeting Dr Mohajer for the first time. He wanted me to study medicine
and offered me all his medical books, but on hearing of my interest to go
to Australia, he advised me to take up an extensive course of studies.
This I did, when eventually the difficulties of attending university in Indonesia (without a good knowledge of the Bahasa), led me to pursue that
objective in Australia.
68 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Melbourne Australia 1963-65
On the 16th of November 1963 I arrived in Melbourne and joined a small
group of Persian Bahá’ís living in the country. They consisted of three Persian youth whose parents were pioneers in Southeast Asia: Kamran
Eshraghian, Farid Payman, and Bijan Vosoogh. They arrived in Adelaide in
the early 1960’s and were followed by Dr and Mrs Gabriel and their children
Mona and Bashir. Sponsored by Mr Handley of Ballarat (John Handley’s
father), they settled in Melbourne in 1962. To my knowledge, there were no
other active Persian Bahá’ís living in Australia prior to this date.
The first Australian Bahá’ís I met were Frank and Bibi Khan, who in
1962 on their way back from pilgrimage visited Tehran. I attended a meeting
at which Frank Khan spoke about the building of the Sydney House of Worship. The use of helicopter to complete the dome of the building fascinated
me greatly. At the Gabriel’s home, very early after my arrival, I had the
privilege of meeting Effie Baker, Mr and Mrs Frank Khan (for a second time),
Gerty and Gerhard Schmeltzle and Betty Anderson (my first contact with an
Aboriginal Bahá’í). The first Bahá’í meeting I attended was held at the Theosophist centre in Little Collins Street. Here I met the Bahá’í community of
greater metropolitan Melbourne, and the Bluett family, who were visiting
Victoria on their way to Papua New Guinea. That same afternoon of 22nd
November 1963 we heard the shocking news of the assassination of JF
Kennedy.
At the time, barring the Gabriels and the Truemans, there were no other
Bahá’í families living in the Melbourne metropolitan area. This to some
degree determined the direction of our teaching efforts and its concentration
on single middle class intellectuals with a spiritual bent. In 1963-64 I boarded
with Pym Trueman’s family in Toorak, and attended George Taylor’s Coaching College in Little Collins Street. During that year, the warmth of Pym’s
hospitality combined with my youthful enthusiasm to share the Bahá’í message with my fellow students, led to many a social events and firesides. These
were supported by such Bahá’ís as John Walker, Collin Wosley, Grenville
Curtin, Claudia Kelly, Elizabeth Bloomer, Camilia Chance, Bob Patterson
(who pioneered to Samoa and soon after passed away in that country), and
Brian Whitehead, to name but a few.
The highly diverse group of students at George Taylor’s private College
consisted mostly of the children of affluent families living in Africa, India,
Europe, Southeast Asia, as well as Melbourne and Victoria. In subsequent
years, some of my classmates who attended these meetings achieved national
recognition. Sikai Holland, the daughter of the first black Ambassador of
Rhodesia distinguished herself in the 1970s as a prominent activist in civil
and Aboriginal rights. In short, Pym Trueman’s Punt Road flat became a
centre for Bahá’í activities and its warm and informal atmosphere led to much
Teaching the Faith in Australia 1963-1975: Personal Recollections 69

teaching and fruitful social interaction. At this time, Pam Ringwood, a tutor
in law at the University of Melbourne, conducted Bahá’í deepenings for the
youth at her home, and the Gabriels had a regular weekly fireside.
Having put behind me the limitations imposed by the oppressive conditions of Iran and its lack of religious freedom, I saw Australia as a land of
incalculable teaching opportunities and felt a sense of urgency in tapping its
immense spiritual potential. To me the Australian society was a rare celebration of cultural diversity, and a powerful expression of political and religious
freedom. The significance of Australia as the first and only politically united
continent in the history of the planet and a land destined to act as a powerful
advocate for individual rights and the liberation of the Oriental followers of
Bahá’u’lláh (as indicated by Shoghi Effendi’s last letter to Australia and New
Zealand), are never dimmed in my mind - any more than its role as the southern pole of the Spiritual Axis could be ignored when considering the spiritual
future of the region and the world. In the latter half of the twentieth century,
Australian society has distinguished itself as a living laboratory of unity in
cultural diversity. The path is now open, I believe, for this country to become
a leading light in the establishment of universal peace; and a beacon of freedom in these, the darkest hours in human experience. Little wonder that the
very name ‘Australia’ was officially adopted on the 21st of December 1817,
only weeks after the birth of Bahá’u’lláh. The privilege and the responsibility for awakening the nation to so high a destiny rests primarily on the shoulders of the Australian Bahá’í community. They are called upon to regenerate
the dormant spiritual potential of a vast country; a task that at the closing
years of the millennium, calls for their urgent, selfless and ceaseless endeavours.

Geelong and Formation of the First LSA: 1965-1968
In 1965 1 left Melbourne and enrolled at the Gordon Institute of Technology (now Deakin University at Geelong). At the time Emily Easey was the
only Bahá’í in the city, but soon after my arrival Reg and Sue Priestly and
family also moved in enabling us to form an active Bahá’í group, which soon
became the first Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Geelong. We proclaimed to the Mayor, ran public meetings, wrote to the papers, published
articles, conducted firesides, formed Bahá’í Club and advertised the Faith on
a regular basis. Mrs Wright’s declaration in 1965 was the first fruit of such
activities.

Teaching at Colleges and Universities
For the first nine years in Australia, schools, colleges and universities
were the principal arena of my teaching activities. In four educational institutions (George Taylor’s, Gordon I.T., Perth I.T., and Melbourne University)
70 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

I had the honour of being the first and only Bahá’í student on the campus.
Through Divine confirmations, and the assistance of Bahá’í friends, both at
the Gordon Institute of Technology in Geelong during the 1960’s, and later at
the University of Melbourne in the early 1970’s, two new souls in each establishment joined the rank of the believers. Solomon King, the first Australian
Bahá’í of Turkish origin, and Milan Gricic, among the earliest Bahá’ís of
Yugoslav extraction, were students at the GIT. Mistakenly, they attended a
meeting of the Bahá’í club, and showed a keen interest in the Faith. Their
declaration in the late 1960s, was a great boost to our small community as
well as the Bahá’í Clubs at the GIT. At the University of Melbourne in
1970-71, I publicised numerous meetings attracting the attention of both the
students and the staff. Each week at the Union Building I held a Bahá’í
display. Finally, with the formation of the Bahá’í club, we were given our
own room and mail box. Mrs Bainbridge was a most supportive and kind
Bahá’í friend at this time. Shirley Charter’s visit from New Zealand caused
the declaration of two pure souls who made the affiliation of the Bahá’í club
possible. Both Dr Furutan and Dr Mohajer spoke at public meetings sponsored by this club.

Tasmanian Working Holidays
Twice in the sixties I travelled to Tasmania and boarded with Mr and Mrs
Benson and their son David, who lived in Devonport. Albert being a journalist arranged for my first media exposures, through both radio and the newspapers. At the ABC interview I dared to advance the notion that Australia
will one day boast of a unique culture, created through the confluence of both
the East and the West. It is a credit to the freedom of speech in this land that
in 1965 they broadcast views so contrary to the opinion of the vast majority
of the Australian population! In a similar interview in the 1990s I would
have added the significance of the abiding spiritual influence of the Aboriginal culture; the essential ingredient to a unique Australian cultural identity.
This blending of the East, the West and Indigenous cultures, guided by the
eternal principle of the oneness of humanity, is in my view the recipe for
creation of a wholesome society; balanced in all its material, intellectual and
spiritual pursuits. This amalgam will ultimately evolve into a global culture
of infinite diversity, creativity and vigour; and the emergence of a social order committed to the rule justice and an inviolable peace among all who
dwell on the earth. During the summers of 1965-67 I joined a Tasmanian
travel teaching team, covering Victoria, South Australia, NSW and the A.C.T.
This team of Bahá’í youth consisted of David Benson, Ken Gretton, Edith
Van den Dool and myself. We travelled the Eastern States in a “figure of
eight” route, giving public meetings, interviews, firesides and initiating some
exciting teaching activities in Sydney’s Hyde Park and Kings Cross. In Hyde
Teaching the Faith in Australia 1963-1975: Personal Recollections 71

Park our considerable stock of pamphlets ran out, so great was the receptivity
of the public in Sydney! We wondered then, as I wonder now, why such
opportunities for proclamation and teaching are so often neglected by the
friends? In Adelaide we held what was possibly the first public meeting
conducted by Bahá’í youth in Australia. We gate-crashed David and Safura
Chittleborough’s wedding, and listened to the Hand of the Cause of God
Collis Featherstone speak about racial unity!

The International Conference in Sydney, 1967
A significant shift in my understanding of the Cause resulted from the
International Conference held in Sydney during October 1967. The event
was commemorating the Centenary of Bahá’u’lláh’s proclamation to the kings
and leaders of the world. Some 300 Bahá’ís attended the Conference, including Hands of the Cause of God Dr Giachary and Mr Collis Featherstone.
This gathering generated a new sense of mission and confidence throughout
the Bahá’í community. For me, it was well worth the sacrifice of living on
potatoes and vegetables for three months in order to save sufficient funds out
of my meagre student allowance to attend this historic event! Meeting Dr
Giachary alone was worth all that effort and more! Here was also a chance to
meet some of the pioneers who opened the Pacific region to the Faith. Alvin
and Gertrude Blum, Lilian and Suhayl Ala’i, Nui Tuatonga and others.

Love and Fellowship Among the Friends
Together with a newborn confidence resulting from the International Conference in Sydney was another factor of great importance assisting the teaching work in the late 1960s; namely the love and fellowship experienced among
the Australian Bahá’í Community. At the time, the number of friends throughout the country were small enough for each Bahá’í to know the entire national community. In Melbourne, when Bahá’í as much as stopped over for
an hour or two at the airport, the local friends would go there to greet them.
As this close fellowship began to wane in the early 70’s, the emphasis began
to shift away from loving association attracting the seekers of truth, to consolidation and administrative efficiency. In the Four year Plan the House of
justice called for a new mind set on the part of both the elector and the elected
members of the Bahá’í community to remedy such an imbalance.

The Arrival of the Persian Bahá’ís
In the early 1970s the number of Persian believers in Australia rapidly
began to increase. The Islamic revolution in 1979 brought a further upsurge
of Persian Bahá’ís who took refuge here from the atrocities committed by the
fanatical regime of their homeland. The impact of these sudden upturns in
the Bahá’í population of the country could have been less dramatic had a
72 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

New Zealand style of compulsory distribution of the refugees throughout the
country been adopted. The undesirable concentration of Bahá’ís (and of Persians in particular) in the large cities can only be remedied by a consecrated
commitment to: a) homefront pioneering; b) overseas pioneering; or c) entry
by troops in the capital cities and the rest of the country. Should this latter
solution be adopted, after the enrolment of say 50,000 new believers, once
again the Persian believers will number less than 10% of the total Bahá’í
community. I believe that in communities such as the Gold Coast, such a
process is already in progress.
A deeper understanding of this phenomenon may point to the mystical
workings of God’s greater plan for the promotion of His Cause. Its far reaching consequences, as prophesied by the Old Testament prophets, go far beyond our present understanding of the organic nature of the growth of the
Faith. All we know is that this army of light must be put to best use in illuminating the Australian continent and turning the Pacific into an ocean of light.

Perth 1968-1970
In summer of 1968 I left Victoria and lived in Perth for approximately 15
months before resuming my studies at Melbourne University in March 1970.
This turned out to be one of the most memorable years of my life. Teaching
the youth was highly encouraged in this community, and great firesides were
held at the home of John and Margaret Handley. Charlie Pierce, a most dynamic teacher of the Faith had arrived from Great Britain. His love for the
Faith burned so brightly that the youth were drawn to him like moths to a
flame! There were many declarations around that time, changing the face of
the Bahá’í community in Perth, and turning a new page in the history of the
Faith in Western Australia. One day Charlie was driving in West Perth and he
saw me walking in a quiet street. His enthusiasm in greeting a Bahá’í brother
was so great that he drove his car right into the path of an expensive sport car
driving in the opposite direction! This was the nature of spiritual attraction
among the Bahá’í friends at the time!

Love and Unity Leads to Teaching Success
One of the most remarkable outcomes of this spirit of love and unity,
followed by intense teaching activities, was the rise of an extraordinary number
of Bahá’í pioneers from Western Australia in the early 1970’s. Charlie met
Barbara at a fireside in 1970, they married and pioneered to the New Hebrides (now Vanuatu) soon after. The Deamer family followed the same destination and Gwen Strickland studied nursing for three years in order to pioneer to Nepal. Kevin Croft also accepted the Faith about this time. John and
Margaret Handley and family pioneered to Fiji. Others pioneered to the
Kimberlies in the North West of Western Australia. Fiona McDonald also
Teaching the Faith in Australia 1963-1975: Personal Recollections 73

joined the Faith in that period, and is today serving as the chairperson of the
NSA of Australia. Still others went homefront pioneering, or travelled across
the world to serve and teach the Cause of God.
Both quantitatively, and qualitatively, they achieved remarkable feats
for a numerically small and isolated Bahá’í community! Hands of the
Cause Mr Faizi and Collis Featherstone, as well as Joy Stevenson (then
the chairman of the NSA), and ABM Bill Washington, travelled big distances to visit Perth during that year. Iran Roshan Milne was the first and
only Persian Bahá’í residing in Perth in 1968. Mr and Mrs Soheil Taheri
and their children arrived in 1970. We felt overjoyed that at the turn of
the decade, so much growth was being accomplished, and the Faith of
God was gaining in strength and number in Perth, the remotest capital
city in the world!
This experience of teaching success in WA, was a prelude to the years
of intense teaching, pioneering and spiritual activities that followed in
the 1970’s. They commenced with two unprecedented years of teaching
efforts in Melbourne, followed by five years of pioneering to Darwin,
NT; a year of service in Kiribati, and the crowning experience of pilgrimage to the Holy Land in April 1974.

Return to Melbourne
In March 1970 I returned to Victoria to complete my architectural degree at the University of Melbourne. Having experienced such a remarkable period of expansion and growth of the Faith in Western Australia, the
untapped teaching potential of the great city of Melbourne was a challenge that could not be ignored. A brief analysis of the situation led me to
diagnose the malady as 1) a dearth of love and fellowship among the
friends; and 2) lack of focus on teaching activities. As witnessed in the
early 1970s, to the degree that the community maintained its loving fellowship and taught the Faith, success accompanied their every effort.

Intense Teaching Activities;
The events in Victoria at the opening years of this decade, represent
some of the most intense teaching activities in the history of the Australian Bahá’í community. In the early 70s we had the rare privilege of welcoming to this land several Hands of the Cause of God, including Dr
Furutan, Dr Mohajer, John Robarts and Mr Faizi, adding their spiritual
blessings and encouragement to our own much loved Hand of the Cause
of God Collis Featherstone. We were also host to some outstanding Bahá’í
teachers from NZ, the USA, UK, Europe and other countries around the
globe. In Melbourne, in rapid and coherent succession, they taught us
some salient lessons on mass teaching and entry by troops.
74 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

A Bahá’í Club at the University of Melbourne
The formation of Melbourne University Bahá’í club was one of the fruits
of teaching in the early 1970s. With the declaration of Ken Robinson and
Bridgitte Keating, resulting from the audacious approach of Shirley Charters, and the assistance of a few non-Bahá’í well wishers of the Faith, in 1971
the Bahá’í club was officially formed and was given its own room and mail
box. It was in this club room that the first and only Chinese member of the
NSA of Australia1 made his initial inquiry about the Faith. About this time,
Shirley Charters proclaimed to the Chancellors of Melbourne and Monash
universities, and Hands of the Cause of God, Dr Mohajer and Mr Furutan,
also spoke on the campus.

Teaching the Masses
Concern with the Vietnam war was the outcry of the student body in the
early 70s who sought justice and compassion, instead of war and carnage.
Love cults and the alternative movements were in their heyday. The harvest
of souls ready and eager to receive the call of their Lord was greater than any
time before or since in the history of our Faith; but alas, the workers were few
and the community of the Greatest Name lacked the vision and preparation
to take the fullest advantage of this rare and historic opportunity. Unlike
N.Z., where such courageous teachers as Shirley Charters, Gwen Venus and
Alex Cookson, succeeded in attracting a significant number of youth to the
Faith, the conservative element in our community made us err on the side of
caution, and hence our failure to meet the final spiritual challenge of the third
epoch. Our efforts in Victoria, however, were blessed with an abundance of
Divine confirmations promised by Bahá’u’lláh. These took the form of visits
by many of the Hands of the Cause and some outstanding Bahá’í teachers,
who came to Melbourne in the early 1970’s. They provided much needed
guidance, and taught us lessons essential to the process of entry by troops.
The following is a digest of their legacy, left for the future generations of
Australian Bahá’ís; those who are yet to experience the supernal joys and
challenges of a massive increase in the number of believers in this land.

Systematic Distribution of Bahá’í Literature
Dr Mohajer instructed us in the “systematic distribution of Bahá’í literature, resulting in the publication and spread of tens of thousands of pamphlets throughout the country, and formation of a Bahá’í information centres
and a correspondence course. An outstanding example of this approach was
seen at the Sunbury (a Woodstock-like) Festival in Victoria. 10,000 pamphlets were distributed among the 30,000 youths attending the event, and it
was my privilege to address this live audience, (arguably, the largest in the
1. Sein Yeang Chew.
Teaching the Faith in Australia 1963-1975: Personal Recollections 75

history of the Faith) about Bahá’u’lláh! A news item and photograph depicting this even appeared in the 1971 edition of the Malaysian Bahá’í News.

500 Removers of Difficulty
The visit of Hand of the Cause of God John Robarts consolidated our
experience of ‘mass teaching’ by the introduction of “prayer” as an indispensable ingredient to the success of the process. In particular, he emphasised
the long obligatory prayer and 500 “remover of difficulties”. Some went
overboard with enthusiasm and held-frequent prayer vigils, and the 500 removers of difficulties were said on a daily basis. We all came to recognise the
pivotal significance of the devotional element in the task of teaching of the
Cause.

The Personification of Audacity
The outstanding Bahá’í teacher from NZ, Shirley Charters, taught the Victorian Bahá’í community many a lesson in audacity. This lioness of the Kingdom, in her own unique and at times socially embarrassing manner; provided
a rare-example of courage in proclamation of the Word of God. Her contribution to the Victorian ‘mass teaching’ process was to highlight the vital importance of ceaseless and fearless proclamation of the Cause of God! Time spent
with Shirley Charters could never be erased from one’s memory! She is in my
view, the most outstanding Bahá’í teacher born to the land of the Long White
Cloud.2

The Street Teaching Team from the U.S.A.
The tempo of the teaching work in Melbourne had reached such heights
that the Universal House of Justice decided to send us three experts in street
teaching from South Carolina, who had the experience of seeing thousands of
new believers accepting the Faith in a short period. The ethnic composition of
this team could not escape the attention of the Australian Bahá’í community.
The group consisted of an African American, an Anglo-American and a Jewish-African-Anglo-American Bahá’í.
This team galvanised the-friends in the bold action of reaching the masses
in the streets with the message of Bahá’u’lláh. From the time of their arrival,
a group of us dedicated every spare hour at our disposal to this ‘street teaching’ method. Many souls, both old and new believers, were transformed by
the experience of the power, the courage and the joys associated with this
public process of promoting the Word of God. Some gnats turned into eagles
and their doubts and fears gave way to valour and certitude!
In various suburbs of Melbourne firesides were held each and every day of
the week. During 1971, my final year at the University, without private
2. New Zealand
76 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

transportation, I managed to attend over 350 of these firesides! Cooperation
and loving fellowship among the friends involved in these activities were at an
all time high. It was then that I met Harry Penrith,3 an Aborigine Bahá’í who
was actively involved in both the Bahá’í community and its promotion. Mahvash
Master, living in Melbourne at this time, was another soul transformed through
contact with Dr Mohajer, into a most dynamic Bahá’í teacher. She taught the
Cause unceasingly, and set ablaze many a heat with the love of Bahá’u’lláh.
She traversed the length and breadth of the continent and remained faithful to
her life’s mission of igniting the fire of God’s Love in every assembly even
unto her last breath. Suffice it to say that the excitement the love and the
willingness to sacrifice and share by those who followed the guidance of the
hands of the Cause and the House of Justice in this period, remains unsurpassed
in my Bahá’í experience, either before or since those fateful years!

Young Pioneers go to N.T.
Having completed my Architectural degree at the University of Melbourne,
I decided to pioneer to Darwin, a post at which I stayed from February 1972 to
April 1978, barring a year of service in Kiribati and six months of travels and
pilgrimage in 1974, from which I returned to Darwin just in time to experience the devastations of cyclone Tracey! Out of the summer school of 1972,
followed by the National Youth Conference in Canberra, both blessed by the
presence of Hand of the Cause Collis Featherstone, came a number young
pioneers who settled in the Northern Territory. They included Juanita Buckney,
Julia Salter, Marion Leedham, and Paul Stevenson (who opened Bathurst Island to the Bahá’í Faith, thus fulfilling a goal of the 9 year plan). It was
February 1972 when I began my employment with the Federal Department of
Works, based in Darwin. Leaving Melbourne for this post, I was accompanied by a friend, Adib Shahmardani, who kindly accepted to drive me through
the heartland and be my fellow Bahá’í pioneer in the Far North. The vehicle
dedicated to this epic journey was a 1963 VW, assembled out of the wrecked
car yard belonging to a Melbourne Bahá’í, purchased at the modest price of
$400.00. It was mechanically in excellent condition and was freshly painted
in bright orange. The only improvement we made to it was to write a highly
visible slogan “Bahá’í Unites Mankind” in flowing 6 inch black lettering across
its engine cover! On the way we stopped in Adelaide where a teaching conference was in process. In attendance were the Knight of Bahá’u’lláh Gertrude
Blum and Councillor Howard Harwood, together with many other friends.
Gertrude predicted that I would prosper materially as well as spiritually in the
service of the Cause, and to this day I pray for the speedy fulfilment of her
predictions! On our departure, Howard Harwood gave us enough grapes to
last us the rest of the journey.
3. Burnum Burnum, c.1936 - 1997.
Teaching the Faith in Australia 1963-1975: Personal Recollections 77

Alice Springs
We stopped in Port Augusta briefly, and in order to make contact with the
locals played the pool tables. We managed to impress them sufficiently to
establish a dialogue. We then left for Alice Springs, where, at the time, Mr
and Mrs Mansell Morris were the only Bahá’í pioneers. We covered every
letterbox in town with Bahá’í literature, and stayed the night at the Morris’s.
I remember Mrs Morris being concerned about how we were going fare as
the first Persians ever to penetrate the heartland of Australia. She must have
forgotten that our camels had preceded us over a century earlier! My answer
to her, however, was that we intended to capitalise on being Persians, in order
to teach the Australian Aborigines! Upon reflection, this was my first conscious thought about one of the most challenging issues of our time: the relationship between the cultures of the East, the West and the indigenous First
Nations. Years later the theory of the complementary nature of these cultures, each offering a basket of knowledge essential to a wholesome development of civilisation, engaged a great deal of my thoughts. The practical civilisation of the West the philosophical heritage of the East and the spiritual
cultures of the indigenous peoples are not only complementary, but interdependent. Once Divinely guided, their harmonious blending will lead to the
birth of a global culture, rich in its infinite diversity, and marked by its pursuit of excellence in material, intellectual and spiritual pursuits. This global
culture and its accompanying World Civilisation will usher in the long promised ‘Golden Age of the entire human race’; the ultimate goal and the crowning achievement of the Dispensation of Bahá’u’lláh.

Entry By Troops in Alice Springs
In Alice Springs, known for its racial intolerance in the 1970’s, Adib
Shahmardani and myself, having covered the town with Bahá’í pamphlets,
went to teach the Faith to some Aboriginals who were camping in the dry bed
of the Todd River. The result was 15 declarations, 14 of them Aborigines.
Admittedly, with no Bahá’í communities in place for follow ups, they were
never heard of again. The Bahá’í community at that time was unaccustomed
to declarants with no forwarding address, telephone numbers or even an exact date of birth or surnames! Their conditions were summed up in the prophetic words of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá: “blessed are the nameless and traceless poor,
for they shall be the leaders of mankind!” (a more detail account of these
events was published in the Australian Bahá’í Bulletin, April 1972).

Darwin Before the Cyclone
In the years prior to cyclone Tracey that devastated Darwin in the Christmas of 1974, that city, as well as all the townships along the road to Alice
Springs, including some settlements in Gove Peninsula, and Bathurst Island,
78 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

had, in no uncertain terms, received the message of Bahá’u’lláh. In Darwin,
Alice Springs, Katherine, and other settlements along the main highway, almost every household had received some Bahá’í literature. The orange VW
with the “BAHÁ'Í UNITES MANKIND” slogan, was by then a recognised
feature of Darwin life. Daily it was parked strategically across from the
central P.O. for several hours acting as a silent teacher. Meanwhile we mixed
and mingled with the crowd, using the street teaching methods we had learned
in Melbourne. Great efforts were put into reaching the hippies who camped
on the City beach, although Aboriginal teaching was always our first priority.
This presented our youthful and inexperienced team with extreme difficulties. In those days in Darwin, you could hardly communicate with any Aboriginals or Torres Straight Islanders, as they either had insufficient command
of the English language, or were not sober enough to hold a conversation, no
matter what time of the day or evening! All we could do was to mention the
name of Bahá’u’lláh, show our genuine love, and pray that God would change
their intolerable conditions. The root cause of these problems, I believe, lies
in the injustices committed in this land against the First Nation Aboriginals.
This subject is unfortunately beyond the scope of this paper. Suffice it to say
that in the opinion of those who have lived in South Africa and in other lands
renowned for racial injustice, the Australian treatment of Aborigines ranks
among the most inhumane the world over. It is the moral imperative of the
Australian Bahá’í community to help rectify this shameful chapter in the
history of their nation. So far the Bahá’í efforts in this arena have been far
from adequate. With the approach of the 2Ist Century and the Lesser Peace,
we may well ask ourselves, for what time or mandate should we wait in order
to act decidedly on this most urgent and challenging of all tasks facing a
nation with such `incalculable spiritual potential’? Seventy-five years after
the Cause of God has reached the shores of the Australian Continent, its community boasts but of a few deepened Aboriginal Bahá’ís. We have no Bahá’í
cultural group representing their heritage to the rest of the community, nor do
we have a strong Aboriginal teaching teams active within the borders of Australia and beyond. There are few, if any, Bahá’ís in Australia who have seriously studied an Aboriginal language or are fully conversant with their culture. We have little understanding of their values, and have rarely attempted
to live amongst them in order to demonstrate the reality of the oneness of
humanity. Intermarriage within the community of the Greatest Name, between Aborigines and other racial groups is almost unheard of. The time for
a much higher profile for this long suffering community has now come, and
the Bahá’ís (as advised by the beloved Guardian must provide a platform for
the legitimate expression of their grievances, before it is too late.
In my monthly travels to hold Bahá’í classes for the Leyton’s children in
Katherine, I observed the contrast between Aboriginal and mainstream
Teaching the Faith in Australia 1963-1975: Personal Recollections 79

Australian families living only a few hundred meters apart. While the children
of both families attended the same school and studied the same curriculum,
one family lived in a government supplied air conditioned house, fitted with
all the modern conveniences while the other dwelled on the bare ground,
sheltered under some rusty corrugated iron sheets held up by a few recycled
timber posts, a rickety structure with no walls or furniture, no beds, no desk,
no bathroom and no parents who could either read or write let alone encourage
their offspring in the pursuit of excellence. Both children were judged by the
same standards and were expected to conform and succeed in the same society.

A Family Year of Service
In the light of the deprived conditions of the Aboriginal children and youth,
it may be timely to devise a well-considered scheme for an international “family year of service” project, which aims at hosting Aboriginal students in
Bahá’í homes. This concept could well extend to other countries and peoples, assisting to eradicate the ethnic and cultural prejudices that to this day
plague the life of many nations. What better demonstration of our faith in the
unity of the human race, and our concern for the well being of future Australians could we present, than to apply such preventative remedies to the lingering question of racial disharmony and cultural misunderstanding. In due
course the establishment of a Bahá’í school for the Aboriginal children, and/
or an orphanage associated with the house of Worship, would further enhance and strengthen the love and fellowship among the diverse cultures of
the Australian society.

Cyclone Tracey
The cyclone that destroyed the city Darwin on Christmas eve 1974 was a
rare social and spiritual experience of immense significance. Darwin was a
city with a high proportion of individuals belonging to dysfunctional families. Many people with personal problems, trying to escape their past would
take refuge in the remoteness of the North. Greed for lucrative Government
contracts was another factor in attracting the work force to the area. Darwin
boasted of being the world’s capital for consumption of beer and defacto
relationships! Another hallmark characteristic of their life there was its intolerance towards the Aborigines, who in spite of the city’s multi-cultural
composition were mostly living in sub-human conditions and were treated
as such. Their treatment by the government agencies in the Northern Territory that were entrusted with the promotion of their welfare and the protection of their interests, were often blatantly racist, manifestly unjust and morally unforgivable. On the other side of the ledger, Darwin was the most
cosmopolitan capital city in the country, the gateway to Asia, and the first
Australian city to have a Chinese Mayor. As the most culturally diverse
80 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

capital city, and due to its manageable population of 40,000, it held the great
promise of becoming the country’s foremost laboratory for cultural diversity and a fertile soil for promotion of the oneness of humankind.
Prior warnings about the possible impact of the cyclone on the city
were generally ignored by a population engrossed in the celebration of
Christmas. I can recall the Departmental party on the afternoon of the
24th of December 1974. It was characterised by a total commitment to
hedonism; a Godless commemoration held on the occasion of the birth
of Christ!
The documented pattern of the city’s devastation, as recorded by the
satellites and published in the local papers, seemed astonishingly deliberate! Darwin was made of suburbs separated by stretches of bare roads,
each branching out to reach a cluster of houses at the end. For the comprehensive destruction that resulted from cyclone Tracey, the eye of the
cyclone must have travelled a complex path, going to and fro, reversing
and changing direction to reach each and every suburb by the shortest
route.
Meteorologists confirmed this seemingly deliberate and highly improbable path adopted by the cyclone. In the biblical context, parallels
may be drawn with Sodom and Gomorrah, and the destruction caused by
the inequities committed by a people who turned their back to God’s
forsaken children, and hence to God Himself.

The Cyclone Aftermath
For a number of Months following Tracey, life in Darwin was an unprecedented social experience in the history of this land. The destruction of houses proved a great equaliser, as all food and shelter was confined to a few schools and government hostels. Money, the great icon of
materialism, had lost its power. No commodities could be purchased,
while essentials were freely supplied at the supermarket. There were no
other shops or businesses operational for some months! Also provided
free of charge, were public transport, meals and accommodation.
In addition to receiving a weekly hardship allowance, every two weeks
the Government employees were sent for “R&R” to an Australian capital
city of their choice. For a while, damaged houses were fully restored by
the armed forces, and every kind of building material and assistance was
provided for the community. It was a time for the city, if not the nation,
to reflect and take stock of their relationship to God and some of His less
fortunate children! The socio-economic as well as spiritual implications
of this unique experience, resulting from the greatest of natural disasters
in the history of the nation, could well be the subject of a separate and
fascinating study.
Teaching the Faith in Australia 1963-1975: Personal Recollections 81

The North Western Arc
During the city’s recovery period I was able to travel, in February-March
1975, through the North-West region of Australia, stopping at every town
between Darwin and Perth in order to teach the Faith and place Bahá’í books
in libraries and to contact churches and schools wherever possible. Up to
that time to my knowledge, no other Bahá’ís had lived or visited the area. In
Perth I met with Drs Peter and Janet Khan on their return to Australia after a
prolonged stay in the USA. I continued to live in Darwin until the city was
fully rebuilt and left for Queensland on April 21st 1978. Ruth Scott was the
only active Bahá’í living in Darwin at the time of our arrival. The De Silva
family from East Timor, despite language barriers and lack of deepening,
supported the consolidation of the LSA by their annual vote. When the Wildes
arrived from Adelaide and Francis and family from Hawaii the Community
began to function with much greater efficiency. Ray Katt became a Bahá’í in
the mid-seventies; and two pioneers from the US swelled our numbers. Marion
Leedham taught at the local high school and concentrated on aboriginal teaching.

In Conclusion
Undoubtedly, the 1970’s proved a turning point in the spiritual destiny of
the N.T. and the Aboriginal people. It was in 1972 that finally the Aboriginal
population ceased to decline and through a mysterious process akin to telepathy, the Aboriginal race decided to turn back the tide across the entire
continent. The direct correlation between such a major event in the history of
a people and the promotion of the word of God in their midst, is worthy of the
greater research than is permissible in the scope of this paper. In short, the
teaching experiences of the 1960’s and the 1970’s, proved both the capacity
of the Australian Bahá’í Community for rapid response to the call for teaching and pioneering, as well as their willingness for personal sacrifice in the
path of service to their beloved Cause. The failure to sustain the process of
entry by troops was due to an unfortunate lack of unified vision by a community mentally unprepared for a massing increase in its numbers.
Another essential component of teaching success in Australia is the recognition of the pivotal role played by the original inhabitants of this land in
the spiritualisation of the nation as a whole. They are the gatekeepers of the
hearts of the nation. Teaching Aborigines, therefore takes precedence over
all other Bahá’í activities Australia. In this way, and in this way alone, can
the Australian Bahá’ís ultimately fulfil the unimaginably glorious spiritual
destiny that is rightfully theirs.
A quarter of a century after the soul harvest of the 1970’s, the Universal House of Justice informed the nations of the world that once again the
opportunity to increase in the number of believers is knocking at our door.
82 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Once again, in the closing decade of the 20th century, the spiritual destiny of
the Australian nation hangs in the balance, and the future of its people, to an
unsuspected degree, depends on how the Bahá’ís, at this crucial time in the
nation’s spiritual history, respond to the call of God and initiates a sustained
process of entry by troops, welcoming under the tabernacle of unity the eager
souls awaiting their invitation. The question remains, that having missed the
opportunity of the 1970’s, are the Australian Bahá’ís now ready to embrace
the challenge of entry by troops presented to them by the Four Year Plan?

A Poem
In the light of the spiritual battles fought and won in the vast arena of this
island continent, portrayed by the beloved Guardian as a land of “unimaginable spiritual potential”, and in consideration to the challenges that lie ahead,
it is befitting to close this paper with the blood stained manuscript of a poem,
found in the coat pocket of a fallen Australian soldier in Flanders Field:

“Ye who have faith to look with fearless eyes,
Beyond the tragedy of a world at strife,
And know that out of death and darkness
Shall arise, the dawn of ampler life.
Rejoice! Whatever anguish rend the heart,
That God has given you this priceless power;
To live in these great days
And have your part in Freedom’s growing hour,
That you may tell your sons
Who see the light high in the Heavens,
Their heritage to take.
I saw the powers of darkness put to flight!

On the evening of Tuesday 13th October 1998 Hedi Moani was murdered
in his home. On 23rd June 1999 the National Spiritual Assembly of the
Bahá'ís of New Zealand received a letter from the Bahá'í World Centre
which read:
“The House of Justice has noted that the police in Takapuna have
provided information from the deposition statement of Mr. Dean Hemopo,
who has entered a plea of guilty with regard to the accusation that he
murdered Mr. Hedi Moani. In this statement Mr. Hemopo indicates that
he carried out this crime because of his belief that Mr. Moani was converting the leaders of the Ratana Church to the Faith and that he was
responsible for subversion of that organization through his teaching activities as a Baha'i.
Teaching the Faith in Australia 1963-1975: Personal Recollections 83

In the light of this information, the Universal House of Justice has
decided that Hedi Moani should be designated as a martyr to the Cause
of Baha'u'llah. You are asked to convey this decision to the close relatives
of Mr. Moani and to the members of the New Zealand Baha'i community,
who will doubtless draw inspiration and new energy in their service to
the Faith from the fact that this devoted servant of the Cause has attained
the rank of martyr in your country.

Mere Barrett, Hedi Moani, and Huti Barrett photographed at Hia Kaitupeka Pa,
Taumarunui, New Zealand.
84 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Bahá’í social and
economic development
Participating in the
unfoldment of world
civilisation
Payam Pakravan1

1. Introduction
Bahá’í social and economic development encompasses a broad range of
endeavours that contribute to an organic process of learning about the application of the Bahá’í spirit and teachings to the problems of society. It is an
integral component of the broader transformative process set in motion by
the Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh and destined to push humanity through the
turbulence of adolescence into the glorious radiance of its long awaited maturity; a coming of age that will culminate in the “efflorescence of a world
civilisation”2 far removed from any that has been witnessed by our race, or
conceived by its brightest minds.
The call of the Universal House of Justice for the worldwide community
to give systematic attention to this “vital sphere of Bahá’í endeavour”3 is,
therefore, not to be understood simply as a directive to find ways of ameliorating poverty and destitution, important as this is. A far broader impetus is
required than that which has driven much of development activity since World
War II, namely, the attempt to replicate the economic prosperity of selected
regions of the world in other regions. Instead, it represents one more dimension of the duty of all Bahá’ís to “erect the fabric of the Kingdom of God on
earth”.4 It is, when viewed in this broader perspective, a call to participate in
1. This paper was written during the author’s term of service at the Office of Social and Economic Development (OSED) in Haifa, Israel. It is not necessarily representative of the philosophy or views of that
Office.
2. Shoghi Effendi, Citadel of Faith, p.6
3. 20 October 1983 message of the Universal House of Justice to the Bahá’ís of the world (published in A
Wider Horizon: Selected Messages of the Universal House of Justice, 1983-1992, pp.6-10)
4 From a letter written by the Universal House of Justice dated 8 December 1967 to an individual believer (published in Messages from the Universal House of Justice: 1963-1986, pp.125-128)
Bahá’í social and economic development: Participating in the unfoldment of world civilisation 85

the unfoldment of a new, divinely inspired System of planetary organisation.
The radical transformation of human consciousness and social structures implied by such a stupendous undertaking cannot conceivably be
limited to one section of the globe, however its boundaries are defined.
Indeed, to shape our vision of the future on national, regional, continental, or even hemispheric bases seems to fly in the face of the very spirit of
the age, which is unambiguously global. The breathtaking acceleration,
this century, of the worldwide integration of human affairs only serves to
reinforce the growing realisation that serious-minded contemporary undertakings, however much they vary in form across time and space, must
be animated by a universal spirit.
In like manner, Bahá’í social and economic development is a global
process that must be propelled and enriched by activities in every corner
of the earth. In guidance provided to the Office of Social and Economic
Development at the Bahá’í World Centre , the Universal House of Justice
makes the following statements:

The worldwide Bahá’í community, as an organic whole, transcends
divisions prevalent in society today, such as “North” and “South”,
“developed” and “underdeveloped”. Social and economic development efforts are undertaken by Bahá’ís, irrespective of the degree of
material prosperity achieved by their nations, as they strive to apply
the teachings of Bahá’u’lláh to the gradual process of building a new
civilisation. Every follower of Bahá’u’lláh is a member of this worldwide community and can rightfully offer to contribute to a specific
endeavour in any country.5

Every Bahá’í community, including those in more materially prosperous countries such as Australia, must gradually enhance its capacity to
participate in this process by learning to channel the forces released by
Bahá’u’lláh toward the betterment of society. No attempt is made here to
provide an exhaustive description of the nature and principles of Bahá’í
social and economic development. Indeed, it would seem grossly premature to do so. Broad guidance continues to emanate from the Bahá’í World
Centre, and will expand in accordance with the exertions of the Bahá’í
community. Rather, the aim of this paper is to highlight certain features
of a revised conceptual framework within which Bahá’í social and economic development might be considered, and to identify several imperatives for individuals and communities in Australia to become more involved in this field of action.
5. Memorandum dated 11 March 1997 from the Universal House of Justice to the Office of Social and
Economic Development
86 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

1.1 The evolution of development praxis
The term ‘economic development’, as it is currently used, can be traced
to the reconstruction of post-World War II Europe. In the late 1940s and
1950s the efforts of the United States, under the Marshall Plan, and of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank), were
largely focused on rebuilding the infrastructure of a war-ravaged continent.
In the 1950s, within a world context of rapid de-colonisation and the establishment of independent nation states, the World Bank and leading nations
began to shift their focus from reconstruction to development, applying the
same principles that had led to such a dramatic recovery in European industrial production levels to these newly-formed states.6 The goal of development was generally defined as putting the “less developed countries, as soon
as possible in a position where they can realise their aspirations with regard
to economic progress without relying on foreign aid”.7
Regrettably, after half a century of well-intentioned efforts to improve the
economic welfare of the world’s poorest countries, and despite the eagerness
with which these countries have striven to attain the relative prosperity of industrialised nations, the world enters a new millennium facing two disturbing trends.
On one hand, large masses of its population are lagging further and further behind the economic wealth of the privileged minority.8 At the same time, however,
the largely uninterrupted growth in the aggregate income and wealth of richer
nations is rapidly becoming undermined by – and arguably contributing to –
massive social, moral and environmental breakdown.
An increasingly vocal legion of thinkers is beginning to recognise that
perhaps these two processes are more similar in their underlying causes than
may first appear. The idea that a fundamental shift might be required in the
definitions of, and assumptions underlying, key concepts such as progress,
wealth, and prosperity is one which is driving some leading lights of development theory to question the very bases on which models of thought and
action in this field are currently constructed.9
This is not to say that development thinking has been completely stagnant for decades. The failure to achieve lasting improvements in the economic welfare of the masses of people in Africa, Latin America, and parts of
Asia and the Pacific has led to evolving paradigms of thought, each of which
has, for a time, been viewed as the answer to the dilemma of poverty. In the
6. The so-called “third world”
7. Partners in Development: Report of the Commission on International Development, Lester B. Pearson,
Chairman, 1969, p.11
8. The United Nations’ Development Programme’s Human Development Report 1999 laments the “grotesque proportions” of global inequalities in income and living standards. Since 1960, the income gap
between the world’s richest 20 per cent and poorest 20 per cent has widened from 30 to one to 74 to
one.
9. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá states that “we should continually be establishing new bases for human happiness and
creating and promoting new instrumentalities toward this end” (The Secret of Divine Civilisation, pp.3-
4)
Bahá’í social and economic development: Participating in the unfoldment of world civilisation 87

earliest models of development, there was almost exclusive emphasis placed
on increasing physical capital to raise production and income levels. From
the outset, then, the question of development was, for the most part, reduced
to one of economic growth. Industrialisation, synonymous for many with
modernisation, was seen as the prime instrument for achieving this objective.
In many ‘developing’ countries it was the state that played a leading role in
promoting economic growth, often taking measures to protect the domestic
economy from imports and pouring resources obtained from foreign aid into
industry and high technology projects. However, it soon became clear that
the expected “trickle down” of wealth to the poorer strata of the population
was not occurring. Instead, patterns of growth were inequitable, with upper
and middle class elites capturing most of the benefits. In the late 1960s and
early 1970s, there was a shift in emphasis away from trying to achieve aggregate economic growth to a more explicit focus on the alleviation of poverty
and on meeting basic human needs such as education, health and nutrition.
With social development now being targeted directly, movements began to
arise within the development field centred on the promotion of democracy
and popular participation, environmental concerns, and womens’ affairs. The
1980s saw a shift back to growth-focused arguments and policies, with an
emphasis on structural macroeconomic adjustment. Instead of the state-led
planning of the 1960s, however, it was market forces that were given reign,
leading many countries to take steps toward opening up their economies to
the competitive rigours of rapidly emerging global markets. There was ongoing debate on the meaning and merit of key phrases such as ‘participatory
development’, ‘appropriate technology’ and ‘sustainable development’. Most
recently, and perhaps most promisingly, discussion at the leading edge of
development thinking has begun to include notions of values and spirituality.10
This evolution of thought contains some hopeful elements but has failed
to incorporate a “searching re-examination of the [essentially materialistic]
attitudes and assumptions that currently underlie approaches to social and
economic development,”11 including, in particular, those pertaining to the
purpose and goals of the development process. As stated unambiguously in
The Prosperity of Humankind, unless “the development of society finds a
purpose beyond the mere amelioration of material conditions, it will fail of
attaining even these goals. That purpose must be sought in spiritual dimensions of life and motivation”.
Within the Bahá’í community as well, a change is required in the way
10. Witness, for example, the “World Faiths and Development Dialogue” hosted by Dr. George Carey, the
Archbishop of Canterbury, and Mr. James D. Wolfensohn, the President of the World Bank, at Lambeth
Palace, London on 18-19 February 1998. The contribution of the Bahá’í community to this dialogue
has been published in the booklet Valuing Spirituality in Development: Initial Considerations Regarding the Creation of Spiritually Based Indicators for Development
11. Bahá’í International Community, The Prosperity of Humankind, 1995
88 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

these issues are perceived. The tendency to immediately associate social and
economic development with images of rural tutorial schools and primary health
care programmes in poorer countries is deeply and widely entrenched, and
can sometimes reflect an uncritical acceptance of some of the materialistic
assumptions which have driven secular thought:

In this connection, it is a source of concern that communities in materially advanced countries may have a tendency to view social and economic development as being chiefly of interest to the so-called developing world. Yet even in those countries where the most advanced public
services and infrastructures are to be enjoyed, important segments of the
population may suffer relative privation. Indeed, literacy and public health
campaigns, usually thought of in connection with poor nations, may be
just as appropriate for the industrialised world’s disadvantaged districts.
Moreover, such social problems as a soaring rate of failed marriages,
interracial strife, inadequate education, substance abuse and criminality
show no preference for the Third World and may at times be more
devastatingly pervasive in materially advanced countries. This social
disarray which increasingly infringes upon the quality of life in every
part of the globe provides many potential arenas for the social and economic development efforts of Bahá’í communities.12

Bahá’í social and economic development is nothing less than the global
application of profound spiritual principles for the transformation of society
and the building of new patterns of human association. Its purpose is to lay
the “foundations for a new social order that can cultivate the limitless potentialities latent in human consciousness.”13

2.0 New patterns of thought
New patterns of action are intimately associated with new patterns of
thought. It is, indeed, difficult to break free from dominant modes of thinking,
features of which include the adoption of a materialistic mindset; a strong
focus on individualism in ethical relations; a tendency to dichotomise between
thought and action, science and religion, and objectivism and relativism; and
the largely unchallenged acceptance of conflict “as the mainspring of human
interaction.”14 These underlying attitudes and assumptions form the basis of
the conceptual framework within which the world has been and continues to
be viewed. However, there is a strong argument to suggest that a new
framework of thought is required in order to allow humanity to develop a

12. From a letter dated 30 June 1993 written by the Office of Social and Economic Development to an
individual believer
13. The Prosperity of Humankind
14. The Prosperity of Humankind, p.6
Bahá’í social and economic development: Participating in the unfoldment of world civilisation 89

vision of – and the volition to move toward – the next stage in its collective
evolution. The “supreme animating power” for such a transformation derives
from the counsels revealed by the Pen of Bahá’u’lláh15:

All things are now made new … Renewal is the order of the day … The
people, therefore, must be set completely free from their old patterns of
thought, that all their attention may be focused upon these new principles, for these are the light of this time and the very spirit of this age.16

In this section, it is argued that a sea change is required in the way that
several concepts intrinsic to development thinking – namely civilisation,
welfare, and growth – are conceived. From such a change in thinking, a
broader understanding of development will begin to emerge and, it is argued,
imperatives for global participation in the development process become more
readily apparent.

2.1 Civilisation
Because the ultimate purpose of Bahá’í social and economic development is to contribute to the gradual building of a new civilisation, an understanding of the concept of civilisation is pivotal to any discussion about development. In his highly influential book, The Clash of Civilisations and the
Remaking of World Order, Samuel Huntington identifies several “central
propositions concerning the nature, identity, and dynamics of civilisations”.
These include the distinction between ‘civilisation’ as an ideal and simultaneously co-existing ‘civilisations’; the enmeshment of civilisations with culture and, in general, their close identification with one of the world’s great
religions; the integrative relationship of civilisations with their constituent
components; and the enduring and evolutionary continuity of civilisations.17
The Bahá’í concept of civilisation might be defined as the enterprise
whereby “the human mind and heart have created progressively more complex
and efficient means to express their inherent moral and intellectual
capacities.”18 Important elements of this understanding include the spiritual
reality of civilisation,19 its reflection in the material realm,20 its developmental
15. Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, p.93
16. Selections from the Writings of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, p.252
17. Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilisations and the Remaking of World Order, 1996, pp.40-45
18. Bahá’í International Community, Who is Writing the Future? Reflections on the Twentieth Century,
1999, p.2
19. The spiritual nature of reality is a fundamental Bahá’í belief: “The mainspring of Bahá’u’lláh’s Message is an exposition of reality as fundamentally spiritual in nature, and of the laws that govern that
reality’s operation”: Who is Writing the Future?, p.2
20. The first paragraph of the Kitáb-i-Aqdas refers to a three-layered hierarchy of reality: the “Godhead”
or the “Reality of the Divinity” which is beyond all comprehension; the “Kingdom of His Cause”, or
“Primal Will”, in which the names and attributes of God are fully revealed and exist in perfect form;
and the “world of creation”, which is the material world apparent to our senses, every element of which
is a sign of these names and attributes (see Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, p.184)
90 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

nature, and its’ necessary subjection to the law of moderation by harmonising
material advancement with “moral precepts and foundations of divine
civilisation.”21 As Bahá’ís around the world strive to translate the Teachings
of Bahá’u’lláh into social reality, this understanding will be gradually enriched.
Bahá’u’lláh’s statement that “all men have been created to carry forward
an ever-advancing civilisation”22 cannot merely be reduced to a call for humanity to generate progressively higher levels of economic activity and wealth,
to adopt increasingly refined standards of living, or even to establish more
sophisticated institutions and agencies for the governance of human affairs.
Rather, it seems to allude to a process, driven by the power associated with
the generation and application of knowledge, that is aimed at achieving “an
organic change in the structure of present-day society, a change such as the
world has not yet experienced.”23 A deeper comprehension of this idea derives from the fact that “the working of the material world is merely a reflection of spiritual conditions and until the spiritual conditions can be changed
there can be no lasting change for the better in material affairs.”24
In describing contemporary civilisation, Shoghi Effendi refers extensively
to the “universal fermentation which, in every continent of the globe and in
every department of human life, be it religious, social, economic or political,
is purging and reshaping humanity.”25 The forces of internal disintegration
and destruction assailing the world are ubiquitous, and are eating into the
vitals, and tearing down the foundations, of every society. The one truly
integrative, constructive process at work in the world today stands associated
with the consecrated efforts of the Community of the Most Great Name to
put into effect the Divine Program revealed by Bahá’u’lláh, “embodying in
its essentials God’s divinely appointed scheme for the unification of mankind in this age”.26 The most fundamental task in this respect is “spreading
the Word of God” and lending support to the “establishment of the Bahá’í
Administrative Order”. However, a no-less vital effort is required for the
implementation and support of “projects and institutions for human advancement”27, and this constitutes a clear mandate for involvement in Bahá’í social and economic development activities. It is possible, therefore, to conceive of an ‘integrative’ imperative for engagement in this sphere of endeavour.
21. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Promulgation of Universal Peace, pp.109-110
22. Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, p.215
23. Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahá’u’lláh, p.43
24. From a letter dated 19 November 1974 written by the Universal House of Justice to the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Italy (published in Messages from the Universal House of Justice:
1963-1986, p. 283). According to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, “The divine teachings and the admonitions and exhortations of Bahá’u’lláh are manifestly evident. These constitute the organisation of the Kingdom
and their enforcement is obligatory.” (Selections from the Writings of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, p.106)
25. Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahá’u’lláh, p.170 (note: emphasis added)
26. Shoghi Effendi, The World Order of Bahá’u’lláh, p.34
27. From a letter dated 21 August 1977 written on behalf of the Universal House of Justice to an individual
believer (published in Messages from the Universal House of Justice: 1963-1986, pp.368-370)
Bahá’í social and economic development: Participating in the unfoldment of world civilisation 91

2.2 Welfare
At the heart of every social and economic development project is some
notion of human welfare. Institutions are established, programmes are implemented, and ideals and sentiments are given voice, all in the name of enhancing well-being, generating prosperity, or furthering human happiness.
The overwhelming majority of these efforts give prime importance to economic considerations; for many thinkers and policy makers, the objective of
prosperity and well-being is readily equated with, reduced to, or measured
by the generation and distribution of income and wealth.
Clearly, economic activity is a vital component of the advancement of
civilisation, and the welfare of its people. Material means are crucial to survival, and they facilitate the expression of human capacities and the manifestation of the potential of the human spirit. However, from the materialistic
mindset – which is a defining feature of our moment in history, and which
implies a particular view of human nature that pays very little attention, if
any at all, to the spiritual element of life or to the role of the individual as an
agent for social transformation – it readily follows that the wealth generated
by economic activity is an end in itself.
The Bahá’í approach to development rests on a broader conception of
welfare, which in turn derives from a fundamentally different understanding
of human nature and of the purpose of human existence. True welfare, for a
Bahá’í, has a spiritual basis. It consists in drawing closer to God and striving
to align our will with His. It is manifested by a life-long effort to know and
to love God, to live in accordance with His dictates, and to “become a source
of social good”.28 True advancement and prosperity, in this view, are spiritual, and our focus on the material aspect of life is considered a means of
allowing us to achieve this deeper objective.29 True wealth is found not in the
pursuit of selfish interests, but rather in dedication to the well-being of society and the enrichment of the lives of its peoples.30
Such an approach is based not only on a broader, spiritually inspired
conception of human welfare, but on the confident expectation that a
comprehensive, Divinely-ordained System – comprising laws, institutions
and the essentials of a Divine Economy31 – is gradually being implemented
to promote and safeguard it. The lynchpin of this system is the spiritual
principle of the oneness of mankind; a principle that drives the efforts of
the Bahá’í community to promote world unity. According to Bahá’u’lláh
“(t)he well-being of mankind, its peace and security, are unattainable unless
28. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, The Secret of Divine Civilisation, p.2
29. See The Prosperity of Humankind, Section V
30. Abdu’l-Bahá, The Secret of Divine Civilisation, pp.24-25
31. See The World Order of Bahá’u’lláh, p.19. The context in which the phrase “Divine Economy” is used
by Shoghi Effendi indicates that it should, perhaps, be read as a reference to the incarnation of spiritual
principles in a broad system of management, organisation, or administration of social affairs.
92 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

and until its unity is firmly established.32 The unity of any entity must be
based on a particular order, and the key force in this respect is religion,
which is “a radiant light and an impregnable stronghold for the protection
and welfare of the peoples of the world.”33 In the words of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá,
nothing short of the “various laws, institutions and principles of the world”
found in the divine teachings “can assure peace and tranquillity to
mankind.”34
Accompanying the Revelation of these laws and principles is the release of the requisite generative power necessary to effect change in the
reality of all created things. 35 Human will is the agency through which
these spiritual forces are gradually made incarnate in the social realm.
Mankind has been invested with the capacity, and the obligation, to draw
on the power of the creative Word to bring earthly existence into closer
alignment with the World of the Kingdom. In His Most Holy Book,
Bahá’u’lláh instructs the people of the world to promote “the development of the cities of God and His countries.”36 To think of this ordinance
as being for another time or place demonstrates a failure to adequately
recognise the station of the Word of God. “No place is there for any one
to flee to”, writes Bahá’u’lláh, “once Thy laws have been sent down, and
no refuge can be found by any soul after the revelation of Thy commandments.”37 The spirit released by Bahá’u’lláh’s Revelation must, therefore, be given expression in the world of creation. There is thus a ‘generative’ imperative for all Bahá’ís to apply the Teachings for the improvement of human welfare; an imperative that encompasses the challenge of
engaging in Bahá’í social and economic development:

This challenge evokes the resourcefulness, flexibility and cohesiveness of the many communities composing the Bahá’í world. Different
communities will, of course, perceive different approaches and different solutions to similar needs. Some can offer assistance abroad, while,
at the outset, others must of necessity receive assistance; but all, irrespective of circumstances or resources, are endowed with the capacity
to respond in some measure; all can share; all can participate in the
joint enterprise of applying more systematically the principles of the
Faith to upraising the quality of human life.38

32. Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh, p.286
33. Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh, p.125
34. Selections from the Writings of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, p.249
35. See, for example, Prayers and Meditations, pp.294-296
36. Kitáb-i-Aqdas, p.77. “In unnumbered verses and tablets He repeatedly and variously declared the
‘progress of the world’ and the ‘development of nations’ as being among the ordinances of God for this
day” (20 October 1983 message of the Universal House of Justice to the Bahá’ís of the world)
37. Prayers and Meditations, p.197
38. 20 October 1983 message of the Universal House of Justice to the Bahá’ís of the world
Bahá’í social and economic development: Participating in the unfoldment of world civilisation 93

2.3 Growth
The concepts of development and growth are, in a certain sense,
synonymous. Both can be thought of as involving movement from a lower or
simpler to a higher or more complex form or stage. Given the complexity
and spiritual reality of human institutions, communities and civilisations, it
is instructive to draw on the tool of metaphor in seeking to understand the
processes by which they grow.39 The imagery of metaphor, by shaping thought
processes, can influence patterns of action.
The source of metaphor underlying much of modern social thought has
been the classical, mechanistic tradition of (Newtonian) physics.40 However,
for all of the insights that they do allow, mechanistic metaphors struggle to
cope adequately with concepts that are fundamental to human existence such
as knowledge, choice, and irreversible, purpose-oriented social change.41
Biological metaphors, on the other hand, can facilitate a deeper understanding of human-based phenomena, and the processes of growth associated with
them.42 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá often used examples from the vegetable and animal
kingdoms to explain complex social and spiritual concepts.43
The principles of organic growth, for instance, can offer key insights into
the structure of civilisation and its development – a process which lies at the
heart of the present discussion. They can yield valuable information about
fundamental principles of social existence such as the importance of knowledge, moderation, and cooperation as driving forces for social development;
the dynamic interplay between individual and collective transformation; the
emergence of institutions and patterns of interaction necessary for evolution
to progressively more complex stages of social organisation; the inextricable
link between individual and societal interests and the need for the subordination of the former to the latter; the impetus to collective advancement and the
enhancement of the beauty of society provided by diversity of “customs,
manners, habits, ideas, opinions and dispositions”44; the critical importance
of unity in promoting the maintenance and expression of this diversity; and
the transcendence of the purpose and reality of civilisation from the mere
existence of society and its elements.

39. Far from being mere literary ornaments, metaphors offer a distinctive mode for achieving deeper understanding, are central to reasoning about the world, reflect our beliefs about reality, and can inspire
new patterns of thought (G.M. Hodgson, Economics and Evolution: Bringing Life back into Economics, 1996, pp.18-19)
40. For instance, the model of human behaviour upon which economic theories are built, encapsulated by
the appellation homo economicus, can be thought of as involving agents optimising welfare subject to
a combination of forces and constraints, “as if they were mere particles obeying mechanical laws”
(Hodgson, 1996, p.23)
41. Hodgson, 1996, pp.21-24
42. Witness the recent comments made by Rupert Murdoch about accretive economic growth (Sydney
Morning Herald, Saturday 9 October, 1999)
43. See, for example, His comments in The Secret of Divine Civilisation about the evolution of the political
world (pp.107-108)
44. Selections from the Writings of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, p.291
94 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Similarly, the growth of the Faith is organic in that it resembles a living
organism in its organisation and development. Taken together, the 20 October 1983 message of the Universal House of Justice and several others immediately preceding and following it45 highlight the fact – perhaps unappreciated – that the worldwide Bahá’í community has evolved to a stage at which
participation in development efforts is a requisite for its continued growth:

Bahá’í communities in many lands have attained a size and complexity that both require and make possible the implementation of a range of
activities for their social and economic development which will not only
be of immense value for the consolidation of these communities and the
development of their Bahá’í life, but will also benefit the wider communities in which they are embedded and will demonstrate the beneficial effects of the Bahá’í Message to the critical gaze of the world.46

Social and economic development activities should be viewed as an “enlarged dimension of the consolidation process” and, thus, a “reinforcement
of the teaching work”.47 If, however, Bahá’í communities fail to expand their
efforts in this sphere of endeavour, there will be “grave consequences” to
their lives48, and they will effectively deprive themselves of the chance to
build the institutional capacity necessary for future undertakings. Accordingly, it seems clear that there is an ‘organic’ imperative, related to the growth
of the Faith, for Bahá’ís to take action in the field of social and economic
development.

3. The Australian context
In a country such as Australia, generally considered to be one of the most
advanced economies in the world, there still exist a host of social challenges
and problems that require attention. Indeed, comments by a leading domestic
journalist indicate that even in the midst of a period of apparent economic
prosperity, the Australian economy is failing to fulfil most of the basic,
traditional goals of economics, and that “we are still far from a Golden Age”.49
Perhaps even more poignant is the questioning by a prominent and wellrespected commentator, of whether economic growth, as measured by ever-
45. That is, the Ridván 140 and 141 Messages (1983 and 1984); the message dated 2 January 1984 to the
followers of Bahá’u’lláh in every land (see A Wider Horizon: Selected Messages of the Universal
House of Justice, 1983-1992, pp.3-13; 17-23); and a letter dated 3 January 1982 written on behalf of
the Universal House of Justice to an individual believer (published in Messages from the Universal
House of Justice: 1963-1986, pp.513-519)
46. A Wider Horizon, p.12 (note: emphasis added)
47. A Wider Horizon, p.10. Although they are complementary, it is most important to maintain a distinction between teaching and social and economic development. Guidance from the Universal House of
Justice clearly indicates that development activities should not be pursued with the intention of attracting people to the Faith
48. A Wider Horizon, p.12
49. Tim Colebatch, The Age, Tuesday 15 June 1999
Bahá’í social and economic development: Participating in the unfoldment of world civilisation 95

increasing consumption levels, is synonymous with happiness. This writer
recently quipped that “too much economics”, with its narrow, materialistic
focus, and inability to say anything of much use about ecological, communal,
social or spiritual aspects of life, “is bad for your wellbeing.”50
This type of comment reflects a growing awareness in Australia that improvement of economic conditions does not necessarily lead to an amelioration of other societal problems.51 It highlights the real need for local Bahá’í
communities to begin to consider what set of actions they might take to demonstrate the potency and efficacy of the spiritual principles revealed by
Bahá’u’lláh. A recent communication from the Office of Social and Economic Development contains the following statements in this connection:

As you set out to stimulate development efforts in the Australian Bahá’í
community, you may wish to consider holding a series of consultations …
about the problems currently confronting Australian society. Many of
these are readily apparent even from afar: the racial tensions between
the Aboriginal community and society at large, the overwhelming challenges facing the Aboriginal people in general, the problems of environmental degradation, the changes in the global economy, the spread of
disease, inequities with regard to women, the disintegration of family
bonds, the demoralisation of youth, and the pronounced need for moral
education … Whatever the area or areas of concentration chosen, it will
be important for activities to begin simply and be allowed to grow in
complexity over time.52

4. Conclusion: imperatives for a global enterprise
Three imperatives for engagement in Bahá’í social and economic development have been identified in this paper:

1. integrative imperative – the foundations of civilisation are disintegrating;
social and economic development efforts constitute an integral contribution to the unfoldment of a new, divinely-inspired social order;
2. generative imperative – the creative forces associated with Bahá’u’lláh’s
ordinances await and demand expression through the efforts of His followers to promote human welfare and development;
50. Ross Gittens, The Sydney Morning Herald, Wednesday 5 May 1999
51. Indeed, inequitable economic growth is likely to exacerbate social turmoil. Contemporaneous with
what is possibly the longest ever peacetime expansion of the Australian economy, there appear to be
growing signs not only that the gap between rich and poor is widening, but also that the magnitude of
social inequalities in the fields of education and literacy, quality of life, and so on, are increasing along
the urban/rural divide, and within larger cities. This can lead to the surfacing of deeper problems such
as racism and other forms of intolerance.
52. From a letter dated 8 June 1999 written by the Office of Social and Economic Development to the
National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Australia. Note the final statement as an illustration of
the principle of organic growth as applied to the planning and implementation of development projects.
96 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

3. organic imperative – social and economic development endeavours must
be incorporated into the regular pursuits of Bahá’í communities to ensure
their continued evolutionary growth.

These imperatives are not confined to any particular segment of the Bahá’í
World. Within each community, including the Australian one, the vision of
Bahá’í social and economic development must be reconceptualised within
the context of a broader and richer vision of the purpose of the Revelation,
and shaped in accordance with social requirements.
In attempting to incorporate development activities into the pattern of
Bahá’í community life, it is important to remember that the worldwide Bahá’í
community is, in effect, only sixteen years into a process that is destined to
take shape and flourish for centuries to come. With such a monumental task
ahead of us, a certain degree of humility is called for on the part of those who
arise to promote and take action in this sphere of endeavour. There exists no
set of unambiguously ‘correct’ or definitive methods and practices to be followed. At this early stage, success will, to a very great extent, be measured
by the ability of the friends to learn systematically about the increasingly
effective translation of spiritual principles into social reality. This will be a
process permeated with errors and challenges.
A posture of learning ought therefore to encompass our efforts to consult,
act and reflect on the process of applying the healing Message of Bahá’u’lláh
to the maladies of an ailing society. In striving to contribute to the building
of new patterns of civilisation, we will be expediting the fulfilment of the
vision of St. John that “The kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms
of our Lord.”53

53. Rev 11:15

Drug Abuse Prevention
The Spiritual Dimension1
Vahid Payman

Introduction
On behalf of the Victorian Bahá’í Community, I would first like to salute
the efforts of the Victorian Education Department and the Australian Drug
Foundation in embarking on their drug prevention programs. I have had an
opportunity to read the Education Department’s manual, “Turning The Tide”,
and, along with the presentation earlier, I am impressed by the depth and
breadth of thought that has gone into its preparation. I am particularly impressed by its decision to make drug education in schools a continuous program, rather than an ad hoc approach, and also in recognising the importance
of starting early by including primary schools under its rubric. Life attitudes
are acquired early in life and these attitudes become values which then guide
behaviour. It is important, therefore, also to include parents in the school
strategy for we all know that it is parental attitudes and the examples they set
for their children that have the greatest influence on their development.

Definitions
In speaking about the spiritual dimension of drug abuse prevention, a
few definitions are in order. This is important because many would consider the concept of spirituality as foreign to any consideration of important social problems such as drug abuse and its prevention. The World
Heath Organisation’s definition of a drug is “any substance, with the exception of food and water which when taken into the body alters its function physically and/or psychologically. “ Drugs can be divided into three
categories: I) depressants, such as alcohol, opiates, cannabis, inhalants,
tranquillisers and sedatives, and non-narcotic analgesics; 2) stimulants, such
as caffeine, tobacco, cocaine, and amphetamines; and 3) hallucinogens,
such as LSD and mescaline. Drugs can be licit or illicit, prescribed or
‘over-the-counter’.

1. This is the text of an address given at a seminar in Melbourne on 19 November 1998 on the Prevention
of Drug Abuse, organised by the Monash Bahá’í Community.
98 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

The fourth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders (DSMIV) defines substance abuse as “a maladaptive pattern of
substance use leading to clinically significant impairment or distress, as
manifested by one or more of the following, occurring within, a twelve
month period: 1) recurrent substance use resulting in a failure to fulfil major
role obligations at work, school or home: 2) recurrent substance use in
situations in which it is physically hazardous, such as driving an automobile; 3) recurrent substance related legal problems, such as disorderly conduct: 4) continued substance use despite having persistent or recurrent social or interpersonal problems caused or exacerbated by the effects of the
substance, such as arguments with spouse about intoxication.
The related term, substance dependence, describes a state of physical
and/or psychological dependence characterised by tolerance to the drug
and a characteristic withdrawal syndrome.
Prevention can be divided into primary, secondary, and tertiary. Primary prevention attempts to prevent the onset of a condition (in this case,
substance abuse). Secondary prevention aims to identify and promptly treat
an illness once it has already happened, thus reducing its duration. Tertiary
prevention aims to reduce the residual disabilities caused by an illness.
Examples of these different types of prevention include school programs
that promote an understanding of the risks of drug use (primary prevention), programs that help teachers identify students who have a drug problem (secondary prevention), or needle exchange programs, which reduce
the incidence of blood-borne diseases such as HIV and Hepatitis 8 and C
(tertiary prevention).
The ‘spiritual dimension’ can be defined as that aspect of a person pertaining to the soul or psyche, as opposed to matter or the body. The soul or
psyche has three capacities, namely the capacities to know (knowledge), to
feel (love), and to act (will). Other terms that have been used for these
three capacities are 1) Cognition, 2) Affect, and 3) Motivation. We know
that most drugs of dependence can affect some or all of these three capacities of the psyche through their actions on the cerebral cortex and the limbic
system.

Adolescent Drug Abuse Why did it happen?
There are many reasons why young people take drugs. Some of these
are: fun and excitement; curiosity; relief from stress and distress from problems at work, school or relationships; the need for group acceptance, to
impress the opposite sex, or to boast about improved sexual performance,
pressure from friends, society, media, or role models; parental example; to
anger parents; and to self medicate against mental illness, such as depression, anxiety, or schizophrenia.
Drug Abuse Prevention The Spiritual Dimension1 99

If we take all these reasons and try to group them we can see that drugs
are taken as 1) a diversion against boredom or aimlessness, 2) a
psychological anaesthetic, akin to ‘soma’ in Aldous Huxley’s Brave New
World, 3) a performance enhancer, or psychological steroid, 4) a way of
achieving acceptance amongst peers, or 5) a form of protest. What this
suggests is that we have individuals who are bored, in psychological pain,
unhappy with themselves, feeling alienated and angry with society. If this
is the case, I would suggest that our society is in a state of crisis, a crisis of
meaning, purpose, and connectedness.
Mental health statistics seem to support this suggestion. The National
Health and Medical Research Council reports that up to a quarter of adolescents will suffer major depression by age 18, and, in any six months,
40% will suffer from prolonged sadness and unhappiness.2 Suicide rates
have tripled for young males and doubled for young females over the past
fifty years.3 And whilst suicide is an uncommon event – 0.02% of young
people take their lives each year it is the tip of an iceberg insofar as up to
l0% will make a suicide attempt .
The factors contributing to this situation include: “family conflict ...
lack of a close relationship with caring, dependable adults, increased expectations, peer and media influences, the perceived lack of meaningful
opportunities in mainstream society, and an inadequate cultural framework
of meaning, belonging, and hope.” 4
In an address given in I997 at the “Exploring Adolescent Spirituality”
Seminar in Melbourne, Richard Eckersley of the CSIRO suggested: “The
bottom line of psychological wellbeing seems to be having a sense of meaning and purpose in life ... Positive life meaning is related to strong religious beliefs, self-transcendent values, membership in groups, dedication
to a cause and clear life goals.” 5 Eckersley then proceeds to quote Bruce
Headey and Alex Wearing from their book Understanding Happiness:
“Clearly a person cannot simply invent a new mission in order to achieve a
sense of purpose and meaning in life, but it is worth remembering that in
the long haul this is what matters most.”
Spirituality, therefore, lies at the heart of any campaign to solve the
drug problem. A spiritual model which addresses the questions of purpose, meaning, suffering and connectedness, is crucial, I believe, for the
success of our prevention programs.

2. R. Eckersley, “A View from the Mouth of a Cave: Spirituality, God, science and the future”, Youth
Issues Forum Summer I997/8.
3. R. Eckersley, “A View from the Mouth of a Cave: Spirituality, God, science and the future”, Youth
Issues Forum Summer I997/8.
4. R. Eckersley, “A View from the Mouth of a Cave: Spirituality, God, science and the future”, Youth
Issues Forum Summer I997/8.
5. R. Eckersley, “A View from the Mouth of a Cave: Spirituality, God, science and the future”, Youth
Issues Forum Summer I997/8.
100 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

A Spiritual Model of Human Nature
I would like to offer a spiritual model based on my understanding of the
principles of the Bahá’í Faith, of which I am a member, a model which is
probably consistent with the principles of the world’s other major religions.
The model consists of the following principles: 1) That humans have a dual
nature, spiritual and material, and that our reality is our soul; 2) The soul is a
divine trust that has the potential to manifest its capacities of knowledge,
love, and will. These capacities are expressed as attributes, such as truthfulness, patience, humility, love, compassion, tolerance, joy, determination, and
service. These are, in fact, all attributes of God, and, having been created in
His image, we are all capable of expressing them. 3) The purpose of life is to
develop these attributes. 4) In the same way that the body needs food and
water to grow, the soul requires spiritual sustenance in the form of prayer and
meditation., in particular, meditation on the Word of God, found in the Scriptures of the world’s major religions. 5) Life’s challenges provide the situations in which to develop these attributes. As we develop them, we master the
challenge and move on to greater challenges. 6) Tests and difficulties, therefore, are necessary for the progress of the soul. They are to be welcomed, not
avoided.
This spiritual model can assist in drug abuse prevention by addressing the
problems of discontent, boredom, pain, alienation, and anger, which psychologically underpin the drug abuse epidemic. It provides meaning and purpose consistent with the essence of our beings. It teaches that humans are
‘mines rich in gems of inestimable value’, of virtues, which, through education, can be unearthed for the benefit of humankind. It teaches that psychological pain is part of growth., in the same way that a plant is pruned in
winter so that it can flower abundantly in spring. It resolves the problem of
alienation by reuniting humans with God, and, through God, to God’s universe such an individual will then begin to look at constructive solutions to
society’s problems, rather than railing against them.

How Can Such a Model Be Implemented?
A successful program using a spiritual model already exists. ‘The Virtues
Project’,6 developed by Linda Kavelin Popov and Dan Popov, a social worker
and child psychologist wife and husband team from Canada, teaches and
encourages virtues in children, youth and adults. Designed primarily for
parents, it also used by schoolteachers and others working in human development. It honours the world’s sacred traditions and offers simple principles
for paying attention to a child’s spiritual development, helping them set spiritual goals. The four key principles of the project are: 1) the parent is the

6. L.D. Popov & J. Kavelin, The Virtues Guide: a handbook for parents teaching virtues. Gold Coast: The
Virtues Project Inc. I995.
Drug Abuse Prevention The Spiritual Dimension1 101

primary educator of the child; 2) children are born in potential: their natural
qualities can develop into positive or negative traits depending on how they
are educated in the early years; 3) character develops as children learn to
make responsible, moral choices; and 4) self-esteem is a natural outcome of
living by spiritual principles.
The Virtues Project is being promoted amongst parents, in schools, in
mental health and forensic settings. One of its authors, dare I say it, recently
appeared as a guest on The Oprah Winfrey Show! Such a program would be
an important addition to existing drug prevention strategies like “Turning
The Tide”. It would also be important to offer it to parents of preschool
children, as it is in these early years that personality and character are formed.

Conclusion
Of course, the spiritual dimension is not the only dimension. There is the
material dimension; the tasks of curbing the production of, and traffic in,
drugs of dependence, providing young people with opportunities for training
and employment, making them aware of the risks of drug taking, and promoting concepts of healthy living. But underpinning all these efforts must be
a recognition of the potential nobility of the human condition and the loftiness of one’s purpose in life. In the words of Bahá’u’lláh:

“I created thee rich, why dost thou bring thyself down to poverty?
Noble I made thee, wherewith dost thou abase thyself? Out of the essence
of knowledge I gave thee being, why seekest thou enlightenment from anyone beside Me? Out of the clay of love I moulded thee, how dost thou busy
thyself with another? Turn thy sight unto thyself, that thou mayest find Me
standing within thee, mighty, powerful, and self subsisting.”7

7. Bahá’u’lláh The Hidden Words. New Delhi: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1957 edition.
102 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Book Review
Memorials of the Faithful
Ron Price

In any attempt to discuss intelligently what this profoundly important book
is about I find myself drawn irresistibly to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s portraits, not so
much of the ’77 individuals he so deftly describes, but of the condition they
may come to occupy in the world beyond. Indeed ‘Abdu’l-Bahá creates
what could appropriately be called a vocabulary associated with the afterlife.
The following words are used frequently when ‘Abdu’l-Bahá refers to the
passing of the 77 individuals and their condition in the next life. He uses
these words in assuring us of their new condition or in offering us a description of what he hopes will be that condition:

light, splendours, grace, mercy, forgiveness’ nearness, assemblage, celestial company, musk-scented, camphor, sweet scent of holiness, bestowals, gifts, rewards, mysterious, endless, placeless, waters, gardens, fair
and undiscovered country, goodly home, gentle gales, food, drink of brimming cup, the place of the mystical contemplation of God, all-highest
realm, highest heaven, Abhá paradise.

These words suggest that “the purified soul connects with other souls in
those worlds, and the powers and joys become so intensified that we will
wonder at ever having lived as separate tiny candles, alone with our flickering light, when in the worlds to come we will be ablaze as one radiant force.”
(1)1 This radiant force is described by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, over and over again, in
terms of light. These words are intended, as are the words of Dante and other
great artistic luminaries, to illustrate and help make comprehensible to our
earth-bound senses, a vision of divine order and heavenly beauty.(2)
All our instinctual human desires and fears,” says Conow2, “will disappear, to become one pre-phenomenal fear and desire, the awe of God and the
yearning to return to Him.”(3) ‘Abdu’l-Bahá describes the process in terms
1. B. Hoff Conow, The Bahá’í Teachings: A Resurgent Model of the Universe, George Ronald, Oxford, 1990, p.142.
2. Kenneth Clark, Civilization, Penguin Books, NY,1969, pp.147-148.
Memorials of the Faithful 103

of the mystical contemplation of God, nearness and the sweet scent of holiness. In dozens of subtle and sometimes graphic depictions of the passing of
these men, for there are only three women, human salvation is partly defined
as motion toward godliness, and endless progression, a heavenly, intellectual
and aesthetic journey that has already had its beginning in this earthly life.
Indeed this earthly life has, as its animating theme, a vision of this world as a
reflection of the spiritual world. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s vision, though, is one which
suggests that “a dedicated study of one reality will inevitably facilitate an
understanding of the other.” Hence the value in this life of the pursuit of
learning in virtually any form and any subject but especially, of course, those
subjects that profit humankind.
Just as this life is neither static nor fixed so in the next is change and a
continual refining process also the story. We do not attain one condition of
perfection but many perfections. At the point in time when we no longer can
use the physical metaphor, the teaching device of the phenomenal world, we
detach, or are detached, from it. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá describes this point of detachment, the point of departure in vivid variation. In studying the many
descriptions of this departure one gets a real sense of the afterlife as both
wonderful transformation and simple continuity.
This, then, is where my own eye is drawn to in examining the several
dozen picture portraits, the choreography of lives which ‘Abdu’l-Bahá sets
before us. But, of course, the book is much more than the simple story of
human lives. The book serves a number of functions not the least of which is
an informed guide on how to live. The revelation, which ‘Abdu’l-Bahá was
intimately associated with during Bahá’u’lláh’s life, contained literally thousands of pages of guidance on this question. In Memorials to the Faithful
this elderly Persian man who had enjoyed what the Guardian called “a mystic intercourse” with his Father, tells us how some seventy-seven people applied this guidance in day-to-day living.
‘Abdu’l-Bahá observed with unobtrusive care, with warmth and tenderness, the day-to-day lives of these people. As Marzieh Gail puts it in her
introduction, the Master is giving us a testament of indispensable values for
the survival of our own selves and humanity itself. The question ‘how to
live?’ sounds like a deceptively easy question. But for millions on this planet
that is a central, if only partially asked question. What should I do? How do
I decide whether to go fishing or to read a book? The question is an easy one
to ask, but the answer takes so many forms that modern man lives in some
state of confusion.
The question is a particularly acute one for Bahá’ís who spend their lives
trying to put into practice what often seems an impossible agenda of spiritual
and moral prerequisites. For their’s is a search for peace, happiness, success,
closeness to God, etcetera, etcetera. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, I’m sure, was also aware
104 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

of’ the difficulty. He was aware, too, that He would be the exemplar, the
model, of how to ‘live the life’ for many generations to come. In a religion
under whose spiritual umbrella billions of souls would one day be protected
from the rain, the tempest of life, it would be useful for that future community to have a range of’ models of how ordinary men and women, people who
had no station, no special relationship as He had with the Source, with
Bahá’u’lláh, put the whole thing into practice.
And so he describes the entire lives of over six-dozen People, albeit in the
briefest of compass. The descriptions are succinct, deceptive quotients. I
think many readers miss so much of what this book is on about by thinking,
as they read, that they are reading about funny old men who lived long ago
and what they are doing in the book has little to do with the modern world.
The long names; the brief descriptions of people’s lives give the modern reader
a sense of irrelevance. I don’t think I’d ever lend this book to a non-Bahá’í
for their “first read.” I have talked to many long serving Bahá’ís, as well, who
have never even read this book. And many who have read it, don’t seem to
have any idea of what it is about. Just a bit of history, they say to me. They
forget, if they ever knew, that there is a metaphorical nature to Bahá’í history.
It is not just an inspirational account of men who lived long ago.
‘Abdu’l-Bahá spends from one to several pages on each character and, in
the process, He gives us the full range of human types, the range there has
always been and the range there would probably always be in the rich texture
of the greatest drama on earth: people in community. I shall discuss briefly
some of the types in the paragraphs below and leave it to readers to get themselves ‘into’ this book with a sense of new eyes. For all of us must keep
coming back to old books with new eyes, if the revelation in all its grandeur
and mystery is to stay fresh in our hearts and minds.
Restlessness is a dominant theme for many people who ‘could not stay
quiet’, ‘had no rest’, were ‘amazingly energetic’, were ‘awakened to restless
life’, or were ‘plagued by yearning love’. Nabíl of Qá’in was “restless, had
no caution, patience or reserve.”(p.51) Shah Muhammad-Amín “had no
peace” because of the love that smouldered in his heart and because he “was
continuously in flight.”(p.46) ‘Abdu’l-Bahá describes this restless personality, one of a fascinating galaxy of men He came to know.
In a community that does a lot of talking it is interesting to read about: the
quiet personality. The men and women who keep mostly to themselves, are
‘inclined to solitude’ and keep ‘silent at all times’ are painted with deft brevity. You just about miss the whole point when He talks about their ‘inner
calm’, that they are souls ‘at rest’, ‘souls who were at rest’ or who remained
in ‘one and the same inner state’. Who are these quiet ones who do not fill
the air with the sound of their own voice and seem to have an inner calm
which seems to perplex us as we go about in our garrulous state? I don’t
Memorials of the Faithful 105

mean to oversimplify a complex issue, but clearly quiet people, people who
don’t like going to meetings, indeed, virtually every conceivable human type
have a place in this new community we are building. I’m not sure the term
‘active members’ would have any meaning in the terminology offered to us
by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá in this delightful, this deceptively simple, book.
There is an element of restlessness in the human psyche that will not
leave us in peace and incessantly asks for more, to see and have and understand, more and more and yet more. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá stresses not the unease or
frustration, which so often is basically unhealthy, but the sense of urgency
and eagerness in alliance with the inner life, the soul. It is a spiritual restlessness that urges us toward transcendence, toward ‘that undiscovered country’.
Táhirih was “restless and could not be still”. There are a host of others in this
book with the same quality. We meet such souls all over the Bahá’í world as
we travel from place to place: always on the go, can’t sit still. When you
recognize them, at first, on the telephone, you often think ‘not them again!’
They are, like the quiet ones, part of that slowly evolving revolutionary force.
It takes all kinds. For that is what people in community is about.
This boundless and surging motion within the soul is a vitality, a quicksilver life of the spirit. The impulse to express this spiritual restlessness is what
‘Abdu’l-Bahá again and again draws to our attention in his writings as he
lays the foundation for what he knows will one day be incarnated in a new
world Order. It is also a key quality required for the enormous job that the
Bahá’í community is charged with: the spiritual conquest of the planet3. The
theme of restlessness and rest is also reflected in a similar contrast between::
Quiet People and Talkative Ones.
There seems to be a gregarious type and a type of person who keeps to
himself. Ustád Báqir and Ustád Ahmad both kept to themselves and “away
from friend and stranger alike”(p.73) Mírzá Muhammad-Qulí “mostly ... kept
silent,” and -kept company with no one, but stayed by himself most of the
time, alone in his small refuge”(P.71) and, like ‘Ali Najaf-Ábádí, some tended
to be meek and quiet. There was, too, the more sociable person who, like
Hájí ‘Abdu’lláh Najaf-Ábádí, “spent his days in friendly association with the
other believers; “ (p. 66) or, like Ismu’lláhu’l-Asdaq “taught cheerfully and
with gaiety.” (p.6) “How wonderful was his talk”, says ‘Abdu’l-Bahá of Nabíl
of Qá’in, “how attractive his society.”(p.53)
These personality dichotomies, these opposites, continue on so many
fronts. While there are occasionally impatient individuals in the main we
find patience and long-suffering: There are many souls, in this medium
length book of some 200 pages, who are long-suffering, invariably patient and forbearing. Contentment and a sense of thankfulness at whatever life hands out also seems to be part of this particular complex of
3. Conow, op.cit.,p.142.
106 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

traits. Although Muhammad-’Ali suffered hardship (p.79), his heart was at
peace. “With patience, calm and contentment, but difficulty...” he engaged in
his trade. ‘Azím-i-Tafríshí “was never despondent” (P.155). A basic serenity
and calm, a contentment and acceptance characterises believer after believer.
The long years of tribulation and isolation of Mishkín-Qalam was the very
means to his own survival. He developed a delightful sense of humour which
‘Abdu’l-Bahá places some emphasis on in his characterization of people in
community and its survival. I often think what ‘Abdu’l-Bahá is doing is
describing the parameters for our own survival and happiness in community
life. They were difficult times the forty years from 1852 to 1892, no easier
for them than for us.
Mishkin-Qalam is the hallmark of the suffering artist-soul within us all,
striving for sincerity. He has a sense of humour, it would appear, not unlike
many Australians we meet today who are the masters of the self-put-down. It
certainly keeps the ego manageable, at least ostensibly. It is something to
watch for in the Australian personality which people from other countries
often misinterpret.
‘Abdu’l-Bahá knew that great sacrifices would be required to build the
new Order and He laid bare before us these many sketches of souls who gave
their all, broke the patterns of their lives, patterns which had often imprisoned them, and hastened to the Most Great Prison. So, too, is this our task: to
get out of the prisons of our making. What is the Most Great Prison we are
trying to get in? It seems to me we are often trying ‘to escape’. I know: I’m a
master at escaping. Pioneers are often the greatest escape artists, to use the
symbolism of the prison which ‘Abdu’l-Bahá uses literally.
The following characteristic is found again and again: the devotional attitude. Individuals keep “vigils most of the night” (p.67), dwell “continually
on God, remain submerged in supplications and prayers” (p.43) and always
voice their thanks (p.31) “Day and night” Mírzá Mustafa remained in a state
of prayer” (P.149) An other characteristic is: joyfulness and ecstasy. Joy is
not an uncommon word in the lexicon of characteristics which ‘Abdu’l-Bahá
uses to describe the many men he got to know over the years. Joyously an
Afnán left Persia; the constantly joyful condition of Ustád Báqir and Ustád
Ahmad are but two examples. Ecstasy is also a word which appears not
infrequently. The sheer ecstasy of Nabíl-i-Zarandí while he wrote and the
“happy, carefree and light of heart” nature of’ the intellectually inclined Afnán,
are only two of’ the many examples of a state of being, a state of day-to-day
existence that was filled with an unquestionable happiness. These are just a
few of the many qualities which are placed before us. People who are trying
to get into prison; people who have left their homes. The metaphor of ‘journey of travelling’ is everywhere apparent.
The journey is an infinite one. The wayfarer must endlessly travel if he is
Memorials of the Faithful 107

to attain the object of his quest. Within the context of the lives of these 77
people the journey’s end was ‘Akká, from I868 to I892, or Iraq, from I852 to
I863, or Constantinople or Adrianople in the years I863 to I868. These individuals would find somewhere to live near His presence, near the Most Great
Prison, near the Friend. Some would return to their home: some would be
sent out on yet another journey and others would remain near their Lord. All
were transformed in various ways.
Written in 1915, in the evening of his life, Memorials of the Faithful was
not published until 1924, three years after ‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s passing. The book
was out of print for many years, but was republished in the USA in 1971.
Eighty-five years after He wrote the book, more than seventy five years after
His passing, the Bahá’í World is coming to appreciate this remarkable testimony to the affect a manifestation of God had on ordinary men and women.
That they became far from ordinary was due to Bahá’u’lláh. That we can see
their perfections was due to the eye of the Master, an eye which did not behold imperfections. For ‘Abdu’l-Bahá was unquestionably easy to please;
He enjoyed the rich variety of human types and His observant eye was both
warm and tender.
As Marzieh Gail states, this is “a book of prototypes … a kind of testament of values endorsed and willed to us.” These values can also be found all
around us in the Bahá’í community today, if we but cultivate that same observant eye, that same sin-covering and loving perception that made ‘Abdu’l-
Bahá the Master which He was. For it is this quality of acceptance, of nonjudgementalism as psychologists call it, combined with humour and letting
people be whoever they are and whatever they are which is the source of our
own community happiness and survival in these the earliest days of community building to which we are all being called as the millennium opens in the
months and years ahead. Memorials of the Faithful has a great deal to offer
us would-be builders of relationships, community and a World Order. Don’t
let the long names and the pithy descriptions that ‘Abdu’l-Bahá uses put you
off. He probably would have given us more but, in the evening of His life,
after His western tour, my guess is that He was worn out. It was the last book
He gave us. Only the Tablets of the Divine Plan remained and these letters
gave us a Plan in which to put all the good advice He’d given us in Memorials to the Faithful. Like the wisdom of The Will and Testament, though, it
may take us a century of more to grasp the implications of this surprisingly
subtle and, deceptively simple, book.
110 Australian Bahá’í Studies, Vol.1, No. 2, 1999

Notes on Contributors

Michael Curtotti is Executive Officer – Government Relations, for the
Australian Bahá’í Community. As past Secretary of the Australian Forum of
Human Rights Organisations he represented the Australian Council for Overseas Aid in 1997 and again in 1998 at the United Nations Commission on
Human Rights.

Paul Friedman became a Bahá’í in 1970 and has spent more than 25
years as a member of various local spiritual assemblies in New Zealand, including eight years as the secretary of the Hamilton Spiritual Assembly. He
is a specialist in rehabilitation medicine and health care for the elderly at
Waikato Hospital in Hamilton.

Hedi Moani (February 1944 - October 1998). Lover of the Faith and
humanity, passionate teacher of His Cause, defender of the poor and downtrodden, visionary, scholar, peacemaker, mystic voyager, writer, architect,
and businessman. He lived for the Faith and died “a martyr to the Cause of
Bahá’u’lláh”.

Payam Pakravan is serving in the Office of Social and Economic Development at the Bahá’í World Centre in Haifa, Israel.

Vahid Payman is a Fellow of the Royal Australian and New Zealand
College of Psychiatrists, and Consultant Psychiatrist at the Peter James Centre, Melbourne, Australia.

Ron Price has been a teacher and lecturer for nearly thirty years, is a
Canadian who came to Australia in 1971. He is married with three children.
He has temporarily retired from teaching and is writing poetry and a novel in
Tasmania. Some 5000 of his poems (2 million words) are in the Bahá’í World
Centre library.

Ladan Rahmani recently completed a Bachelor of Arts Honours in Political Science at the University of New South Wales. She has worked at the
National Bahá’í Office in the Membership and Human Resource department
and with the Australian Human Rights Centre. She convenes the inter-faith
and status of women sections of NSW Division of the United Nations Association of Australia.

David Levick is the co-ordinator of the Centre for Systemic Development at the University of Western Sydney, which focuses on community and
corporate development through empowerment and liberation of its client
groups from traditional thinking and acting.
AUSTRALIAN BAHÁ’Í STUDIES
HUMAN RIGHTS: REFLECTIONS FROM A BAHÁ’Í

AUSTRALIAN
BAHÁ’Í STUDIES
VIEWPOINT
Michael Curtotti

PROMOTING A CULTURE OF HUMAN RIGHTS: THE
UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
AND THE BAHÁ’Í COMMUNITY IN THE ISLAMIC
REPUBLIC OF IRAN
Australian Bahá’í Studies promotes analysis of Ladan Rahmani
issues relevant to the Australian Bahá’í community.
It encourages exploration of the history, teachings, DEVELOPING THE SECRETARIAT OF A LOCAL SPIRITUAL
ASSEMBLY
and philosophy of the Bahá’í Faith in systematic, Paul Friedman
reflective, or artistic ways. It thus offers itself a
medium of communication for anyone who is MATURATION AND LEARNING IN THE BAHÁ’Í
interested in the development of the Australian COMMUNITY
David Levick
Bahá’í community.
In view of the Bahá’í vision of scholarship as an TEACHING THE FAITH IN AUSTRALIA 1963-1975:
activity accessible to all, rather than one limited to a PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS
small academic community, Australian Bahá’í Hedi Moani
Studies seeks input from people of diverse
BAHÁ’Í SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT:
backgrounds and viewpoints, in a way that assists
PARTICIPATING IN THE UNFOLDMENT OF WORLD
in redefining what is meant by scholarly practice. CIVILISATION
The readers of the journal have an interest in Payam Pakravan
teaching the Bahá’í Faith, serving its administrative
organs, and participating in its community life. It is DRUG ABUSE PREVENTION THE SPIRITUAL DIMENSION
Vahid Payman
also of interest to those studying the model that the
Bahá’í community offers for the resolution of MEMORIALS OF THE FAITHFUL
contemporary problems. Ron Price

Volume 1 Number 2 1999
Volume 1, No. 2, 1999

ISSN 1442-2875

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